LTTE chief Prabhakaran’s deputy was a RAW agent, claims journalist in new book

LTTE chief Prabhakaran’s deputy was a RAW agent, claims journalist in new book
"The man was cultivated and positioned by RAW as their mole inside Prabharkaran's hitherto impenetrable ranks as early as 1989"

IANS| Monday, August 15, 2016 - 14:59 http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/ltte-chief-prabhakarans-deputy-was-raw-agent-claims-journalist-new-book-48250




An LTTE leader who was once a deputy to its supreme leader Velupillai Prabhakaran was a RAW agent, recruited as early as 1989, claims journalist Neena Gopal in her book “The Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi”.

Neena Gopal, who interviewed former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi moments before he was assassinated in 1991, says that Gopalaswamy Mahendrarajah alias Mahattaya was a Research and Analysis Wing mole.

"The man was cultivated and positioned by RAW as their mole inside Prabharkaran's hitherto impenetrable ranks as early as 1989," she says in her book.

"He would become their deep asset, the one who would subvert the insurgent movement from the inside, and had been tasked to eliminate Prabhakaran and take over the LTTE," she writes.

RAW's links with Mahattaya, who the LTTE later executed on charges of being an Indian intelligence agent, was not known to the Indian Military Intelligence or the Intelligence Bureau, it says.

The LTTE reportedly suspected that it was Mahattaya who tipped off the Indians about a Tamil Tiger ship in January 1993, leading to the death of former Jaffna LTTE commander Kittu, a childhood friend of Prabhakaran.

According to the book, Mahattaya was reportedly seized by the LTTE and taken to a camp where he was "tortured” over a period of several weeks and months until he could barely speak, sit or stand.

"He was finally executed in December 1994, 19 months (later). Some 257 of his men were executed and their bodies dumped, LTTE style, in a pit and set on fire."

Despite the RAW's covert penetration of the LTTE, the Indian military, civilian intelligence and its diplomats worked at cross-purposes when the Indian military was deployed in Sri Lanka's northeast in 1987-90, the book says.

The Sri Lankan military finally crushed the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009, leaving thousands dead in the final months of a brutal conflict that began some 30 years earlier.

The book also suggests that the RAW -- which like other Indian institutions felt betrayed after Prabhakaran ordered Gandhi's killing -- may have had a hand in the LTTE chief's elimination.

"RAW sources say that until the very last minute, Prabhakaran was tricked into believing that a surrender (by him and his men in 2009) was a viable option, and that he would be handed over to a neutral international group and not the Sri Lankan government as Colombo wanted."

The RAW's ability to cultivate assets in the LTTE was one reason for its overconfidence vis-a-vis the Tigers.

Accordingly, the agency failed to factor that the LTTE leader would avenge the fighting against the Indian military in Sri Lanka by targeting Rajiv Gandhi one day.

Neena Gopal quotes a senior RAW officer as saying: "If we had read the signals right, if we understood what was going on in Prabhakaran's mind, who knows, we could have prevented this.

"It was our fault, we made a huge error of judgement. We misread Prabhakaran. We never believed he would turn against us in this manner. We should have seen it coming. We didn't.

"We failed Rajiv Gandhi, we failed to save his life."

The author had been interviewing Gandhi until he reached the election rally ground at Sriperumpudur near Chennai on the night of May 21, 1991. A little later, Gandhi was killed by an LTTE woman suicide bomber.

How Ceylon/Sri Lanka Mishandled the Tamils” in the words of Lee Kuan Yew

“How Ceylon/Sri Lanka Mishandled the Tamils” in the words of Lee Kuan Yew

Posted by Administrator on 16 April 2015, 3:33 pm
Compiled by Ananth Palakidnar
http://dbsjeyaraj.com/dbsj/archives/40028

The founding father of Singapore Lee Kuan Yew will be laid to rest today. He had first travelled to Sri Lanka in 1956and remembered his stay at the Galle Face Hotel in his autobiography ‘The Singapore Story’. During his stay in Colombo he had dined with S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and also played golf with Dudley Senanyake. He remembered interacting with Sirimavo Bandaranaike and described the world’s first woman Prime Minister as a tough person. Lee had also visited the University of Peradeniya and played golf in Nuwara Eliya staying at ‘The Lodge’, the official residence of former British Governors.

The following are excerpts from ‘The Singapore Story’:


C. N. Annadurai (15 September 1909 – 3 February 1969) former Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu & Lee Kwan Yew (September 16, 1923 – March 23, 2015)

My fist visit to Sri Lanka was in April 1956 on my way to London. I stayed at the Galle Face Hotel, their premier British-era hotel by the sea. I walked around the city of Colombo, impressed by the public buildings, many with stone facing undamaged by war. Because Mountbatten had based his Southeast Asia Command in Kandy, Ceylon had more resources and better infrastructure than Singapore.

That same year, Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike won the election as leader of the new Sri Lanka Freedom Party and became Prime Minister. He had promised to make Sinhala the national language and Buddhism the national religion. He was a brown “pukka sahib”, English-educated and born a Christian, he had decided on nativism and converted to Buddhism, and had become a champion of the Sinhala language. It was the start of the unravelling of Ceylon.

Bandaranaike

Singapore’s then Chief Minister, Lim Yew Hock, invited me to meet him at dinner. A dapper little man, well-dressed and articulate, Bandaranaike was elated at having obtained an election mandate from the Sinhalese majority to make Ceylon a more nativist society. It was a reaction against the “Brown Sahib” society – the political elite who on inheriting power had modelled themselves on the British, including their lifestyle. Sir John Kotelawala, the Prime Minister whom Bandaranaike succeeded, went horse riding every morning.

Bandaranaike did not seem troubled that the Tamils and other minorities would be at a disadvantage now that Sinhala was the national language, or by the unease of the Hindu Tamils, the Muslim Moors and the Christian Burghers (descendants of Dutch and natives) at the elevated status of Buddhism as the national religion. He had been President of the Oxford Union and he spoke as if he was still in the Oxford Union debating society. I was not surprised when, three years later, he was assassinated by a Buddhist monk. I thought it ironic that a Buddhist monk, dissatisfied with the country’s slow rate of progress in making Buddhism the national religion, should have done it.

Srimavo

In the election that followed, his widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, became Prime Minister on the sympathy vote. She proved to be a less voluble but much tougher leader. When I met her in Ceylon in August 1970 she was a determined woman who believed in the non-aligned ideology. Ceylon favoured the withdrawal of all US troops from South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, and a nuclear weapons free zone in the Indian Ocean, free of big power conflicts. As a younger man, I patiently explained my different foreign policy objectives, that Singapore would be gravely threatened if South Vietnam was to fall into the hands of the communists, threatening Cambodia, Laos and Thailand. The insurgency would spread into Malaysia, with serious consequences for Singapore.

Her nephew, Felix Bandaranaike, was her eminence grise on international affairs. Bright but not profound, he claimed good fortune of geography and history had blessed Ceylon with peace and security so that only 2.5 per cent of its budget was spent on defence. I wonder what he would have said in the late 1980s when more than half its budget went into arms and the defence forces to crush the Tamil rebellion.

Ceylon was Britain’s model Commonwealth country. It had been carefully prepared for independence. After the war, it was a good middle sized country with fewer than 10 million people. It had a relatively good standard of education, with two universities of high quality in Colombo and Kandy teaching in English, a civil service largely of locals, and experience in representative government starting with city council elections in the 1930s. When Ceylon gained independence in 1948, it was the classic model of gradual evolution to independence.

Alas, it did not work out. During my visits over the years, I watched a promising country go to waste. One-man-one-vote did not solve a basic problem. The majority of some eight million Sinhalese could always outvote the two million Tamils who had been disadvantaged by the switch from English to Sinhala as the official language. From having no official religion, the Sinhalese made Buddhism their national religion. As Hindus, the Tamils felt dispossessed

Golf with Dudley

In October 1966, on my way back from a Prime Ministers’ conference in London, I visited Colombo to meet Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake. He was a gentle if resigned and fatalistic elderly man. When we played golf at the Royal Colombo Golf Course, he apologised for the encroaching squatter huts and the goats and cows on the fairways. He said it was inevitable with democracy and elections; he could not justify keeping these green open spaces in the centre of the city. He sent me by train to Nuwara Eliya, their once beautiful hill station. It was a most instructive lesson on what had happened after independence. The food on the train (in a special carriage) was poisonous. The crab was badly contaminated and stank. I went immediately to the toilet and spewed it all out.

This saved me. In Nuwara Eliya, I stayed at the Former British Governor’s hill residence, ‘The Lodge’. It was dilapidated. Once upon a time it must have been well-maintained, with roses (still some left) in the garden that looked like an English woodland. About 5,000 feet above sea level, it was pleasantly cool. I played golf on a once beautiful course; like the one in Colombo, this also was encroached upon by huts, goats and cows.

At dinner, a wise and sad-looking elderly Sinhalese explained that what had happened was inevitable with popular elections. The Sinhalese wanted to be the dominant race; they wanted to take over from the British as managers in the tea and coconut plantations, and from the Tamils who were the senior civil servants. 

They had to go through this tragedy of making Sinhala the official language for which they had paid dearly, translating everything from English into Sinhala and Tamil, a slow and unwieldy process. The universities taught in three languages: Sinhala to the majority, Tamil to Tamils, and English to the Burghers.

Visit to Kandy

At the university in Kandy I had asked the Vice-Chancellor how three different engineers educated in three languages collaborated in building one bridge. He was a Burgher, and wore a Cambridge University tie so that I would recognize he had a proper PhD. He replied, “That Sir is a political question for the ministers to answer.” I asked about the books. He replied that basic textbooks were translated from English into Sinhala and Tamil, always three to four editions late by the time they were printed.

The tea plantations were in a deplorable condition. The locals who had been promoted were not as good supervisors as their British predecessors. Without strict discipline, the tea pluckers were picking not only young shoots but also full-grown leaves which would not brew good tea. Their coconut plantations had also suffered. It was, said the old Sinhalese, the price people had to pay to learn how to run the country.

I did not visit Ceylon for many years, not until I had met their newly elected President Junius Richard Jeyewardene in 1978 at a CHOGM Conference in Sydney. In 1972 Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike had already changed the country’s name, Ceylon, to Sri Lanka, and made it a republic. The changes did not improve the fortunes of the country. Its tea is still sold as ‘Ceylon’ tea.

Like Solomon Bandaranaike, Jayewardene was born a Christian, converted to Buddhism and embraced nativism to identify himself with the people. In his 70-odd years, he had been through the ups and downs of politics, more downs than ups, and become philosophical in his acceptance of lowered targets. He wanted to move away from Sri Lanka’s socialist policies that had bankrupted it. After meeting me in Sydney, he came to Singapore, he said, to involve us in its development.

I was impressed by his practical approach and was persuaded to visit Sri Lanka in April 1978. He said he would offer autonomy to the Tamils. I did not realize that he could not give way on the supremacy of the Sinhalese over the Tamils, which was to lead to civil war in 1983 and destroy any hope of a prosperous Sri Lanka for many years, if not generations.

He had some weaknesses. He wanted to start an airline because he believed it was a symbol of progress.

Singapore Airlines

Singapore Airlines employed a good Sri Lankan captain. Would I release him? Of course, but how could an airline pilot run an airline? He wanted Singapore Airlines to help. We did. I advised him that an airline should not be his priority because it required too many talented and good administrators to get an airline off the ground when he needed them for irrigation, agriculture, housing, industrial promotion and development, and so many other projects.

An airline was a glamour project, not of great value for developing Sri Lanka. But he insisted. So we helped him launch it in six months, seconding 80 of Singapore Airlines’ staff for periods from three months to two years, helping them through our worldwide sales representation, setting up overseas offices, training staff, developing training centres and so on. But there was no sound top management. When the pilot, now chairman of the new airline, decided to buy two second-hand aircraft against our advice, we decided to withdraw. Faced with a five-fold expansion of capacity, negative cash flow, lack of trained staff, unreliable services and insufficient passengers, it was bound to fail. And it did.

It was flattering to have Sri Lanka model their country after Singapore. They announced that they would adopt the Singapore-style Area Licensing Scheme to reduce traffic entering the city. But it did not work. They started a housing programme in 1982 based on ours, but there was no adequate financing. They set up a free trade zone only slightly smaller than the area of Singapore which might have taken off but for the Tamil Tigers whose terrorist tactics scared investors away.

The greatest mistake

The greatest mistake Jayewardene made was over the distribution of reclaimed land in the dry zone. With foreign aid, he revived an ancient irrigation scheme based on “tanks” (reservoirs) which could store water brought from the wet-side of the mountains. Unfortunately, he gave the reclaimed land to the Sinhalese, not the Tamils who had historically been the farmers of this dry zone.

Dispossessed and squeezed, they launched the Tamil Tigers. Jayewardene’s private secretary, a Jaffna Tamil loyal to him, told me this was a crucial mistake. The war that followed caused 50,000 deaths and even more casualties, with many leaders assassinated. After more than 15 years, it shows no sign of abating.

Jayewardene retired in 1988, a tired man. He had run out of solutions. R. Premadasa, who succeeded him, was a Sinhalese chauvinist. He wanted the Indian troops out of the country, which was not sensible.

They were doing a nasty job for Sri Lanka. When the Indian troops left, he was in a worse position. He tried to negotiate with the Tamil Tigers and failed. He was not willing to give enough away.

I met him on several occasions in Singapore after he became President and tried to convince him that this conflict could not be solved by force of arms. A political solution was the only way, one considered fair by the Tamils and the rest of the world.

Courtesy: Ceylon Today

Colonel Kittu

Colonel Kittu: The ruthless, long-forgotten LTTE fighter a Tamil movie wants to celebrate

In many ways, Kittu embodied the LTTE itself. His loyalty to the cause was fierce, but anyone who crossed his path was dealt with a swift, fatal blow.TN Gopalan| Sunday, July 17, 2016 - 18:38
http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/colonel-kittu-ruthless-long-forgotten-ltte-fighter-tamil-movie-wants-celebrate-46663

By November 1989, Sathasivam Krishnakumar aka Kittu, was among the top-rung leaders in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). He ruled by fear, and was ruthless in punishment – not just for the Sinhalas and the Tamils who disagreed with the LTTE, but also those who chose to rub him the wrong way in his personal life. 

That month, a student at Jaffna University, Arungirinathan Vijithran, dared tease Kittu’s girlfriend who was a medical student at the varsity. Vijithran was abducted from Batticaloa by Kittu’s men. A huge protest erupted at the University. Kittu assured students that they would trace the boy, and elders prevailed upon the students to get back to classes. But one student rose in defiance, and protested loudly.

Vijithran was soon found dead. Two years later, that defiant student was also killed.

In many ways, Kittu embodied the LTTE itself. His loyalty to the cause was fierce, but anyone who crossed his path was dealt a swift, fatal blow.



A memorial for Kittu in Jaffna in 2005

LTTE might be dead and gone, and while even mentioning its name could get you into trouble in Sri Lanka, the Lankan Tamil diaspora and people of Tamil Nadu keep its memories alive. And Tamil cinema has been an effective tool.

After 1992, following the death of former Indian PM Rajiv Gandhi, any film which sang hosannas to the Tigers was stalled by the Indian government.

Noted director Selvamani’s film Kutra Pathirikai (Chargesheet) on the Sriperumubur tragedy still remains canned, even though it was not pro-LTTE. Katrukkenna Veli (Who can prevent the wind from blowing), a relatively decent film portraying the Tigers in a positive light, got mired in censorship issues for long before it hit the screens. Its director Pugazhendi Thangaraj’s subsequent attempts to strike variations never went beyond the floors.

Maniratnam’s Kannathil Muthamittal does touch upon the conflict, but doesn’t take sides, and so it passed muster. Very recently Ravana Desam, with the ethnic strife as backdrop, managed to get past censors, but it didn’t seek to make any strong political statement.

Such being the story so far, director Suseenthiran is now working on a movie titled Maaveeran Kittu, which is seemingly based on Kittu's life, even though the director has said that it has nothing to do with the slain leader or LTTE, but is based on a "true story". What will happen to the movie? One has to wait and see.

A hagiographic documentary on Kittu

Kittu also hailed from Valvettithurai, the hometown of LTTE supremo V Prabhakaran. Kittu was a member of Prabhakaran’s extended family, as was LTTE leader Mahattaya, who came to grief after rising to dizzying heights.

Kittu was senior to Mahattaya and reportedly took part in the Anuradhapura ambush of 1983 that led to the island-wide massacre of Tamils, setting the stage for the armed rebellion to follow.

In April 1986, when Prabhakaran decided to decimate Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), Kittu, as LTTE’s Jaffna commander, led the horrendous operations.

People of Jaffna saw violence like never before. Many Tamils who were killed were ‘necklaced’ - tyres soaked in petrol were placed around the victim's neck and set alight.

Srisabaratnam, the TELO chief, was hunted down personally by Kittu. He shot him in the leg to prevent him escaping. Sabaratnam pleaded with Kittu for his life but Kittu shot him using a machine gun, and the bullet ridden body was displayed in public before being handed over to his family.

Barely 26-year-old by then, Kittu had turned into a forbidding figure, lording over the Jaffna peninsula. With Prabhakaran away in Madras, he could even issue statements on behalf of the organization.


Kittu with officers of Sri Lankan army

In January 1987, the LTTE supremo returned to Jaffna. Some would claim that Prabhakaran felt threatened by Kittu’s increasing popularity. Prabhakaran had already transferred Mahattayya from Mannar to Jaffna, possibly as a check to the other relative. Still not satisfied, he chose to return.

Even so, the LTTE leadership maintained that Prabhakaran returned to Jaffna only because the Tamil Nadu government had made it difficult for Prabhakaran to stay there.

A couple of months later, in March 1986, Kittu’s life took a tragic turn. As he was getting into his jeep after visiting his girlfriend Cynthia, a grenade was lobbed into the vehicle. Kittu escaped with his life, but his right leg was seriously injured and it had to be amputated. His career as a commander had come to an end.

There are many theories as to who was behind the attack, and the attackers were never caught. The LTTE however took it out on those who had been taken prisoners from other groups like the EPRLF and TELO.

On hearing about the attack on Kittu, Aruna, a local commander, rushed to the LTTE’s detention house - ironically named Kandan Karunai (Mercy of Lord Muruga), grabbed an AK-47 assault rifle and fired into the room full of prisoners, instantly killing all but two of those in the room. The death toll was 63. The Kandan Karunai massacre, as it is called, is still mourned by the victims’ families.

Some say that it was Prabhakaran who had engineered the attack on Kittu as he didn’t approve of any love affairs within his ranks, and wanted to make Kittu an example of his moral code, not to be violated by anyone.

What was also going against Kittu was that he had become chummy with Captain Jayantha Kotelawala of the Sri Lankan army at the Jaffna fort, thus arousing suspicions within the LTTE. “…their relationship blossomed so much that Kittu arranged to send firewood and mangoes to the soldiers in the fort, whenever they made the request,” says K T Rajasingham in his book Sri Lanka: The Untold Story.

Many other think it was Mahatayya who did it.

The people of Jaffna did sympathize with Kittu, whatever his arrogance and cruelty to those who fell afoul of him. Niromi de Soyza writes in her book Tamil Tigress, My Story as a Child Soldier in Sri Lanka’s Bloody Civil War, that her schoolmates mourned Kittu’s fate, almost skipping their examinations.

After that he was sent across to Tamil Nadu for treatment. The IPKF-LTTE confrontation began, and he was arrested in August 1988. There was still a lot of goodwill left for the Tigers in the state. In October, when Kittu and the other arrested LTTE men threatened to fast unto death, the government released them.



Kittu in Tamil Nadu with politician Nedumaran

Kittu returned to Vanni, but his leg was still giving him a lot of trouble. Taking advantage of the truce with the Lankan government, Prabhakaran arranged to fly him to London for prosthesis in the last quarter of 1989. 

Though he had to, Kittu didn’t exactly relish the prospect, writes Adele Balasingham, in a glowing account: “Kittu flourished in the environment where he could teach his cadres and encourage them with their interests and he often initiated new projects for them to engage in. And so as the day for his departure grew nearer he became quieter; as did many of his cadres. And I think that one of the most pitiful sights I can remember seeing is the legendary guerrilla fighter crying on Mr. Pirabakaran's shoulder, the day we were to take him out of the Alampil jungle. His cadres carried him in a chair on their shoulders - to the waiting helicopter.”



Kittu teaching LTTE cadres

In London alongside the treatment, he also took over the international secretariat of his organization and went about extorting money from the diaspora. Indeed, there are no records of his medical treatment while he was there, apparently he was busy raising funds. According to some accounts, there were as many 2,000 petitions against him to the UK government, after which the government decided to deport him. Sensing what was in store for him, he quietly moved out.

But before that he had played a crucial role in the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, it has been claimed. Rohan Gunaratne, a noted Sinhalese author, says, “…he coordinated some of the logistics for Sivarajan, the operations commander of the assassination team. 

Over the phone, Kittu (who was in Chennai during the International Peace-Keeping Force episode) made arrangements for Sivarajan's stay in Chennai and got some Indian nationals to assist in the assassination plan. Furthermore, Kittu indirectly helped draw up the modus operandi of the assassination. 

Operating from the UK, he dispatched the famous video ‘Death Wish II’ through the LTTE's clandestine office in Chennai and thereafter by boat to Jaffna. It showed a beautiful woman presenting a bouquet to a world leader and then assassinating him by activating the explosives strapped to her body.”



Funnily though, according to CBI's chief investigator in the assassination case, K Ragothaman, the then RAW chief Gauri Shankar Bajpai told PM Chandrashekhar that ‘Colonel Kittu’ was India's mole in the militant outfit.

However, Ragothaman goes on to assert, in his book Conspiracy to kill Rajiv Gandhi, "Kittu could never be a mole as he was the right-hand man of Prabhakaran. I only admire how Kittu was clever enough to keep the RAW chief as his mole," implying that Indian intelligence may have been deceived in the bargain.

After leaving the UK, he kept running around Europe for a while and eventually boarded the ill-fated MV Ahat in January 1993 in Thailand, a ship which was carrying a huge load of arms and ammunition, courtesy ISI of Pakistan.

The Indian navy, alerted to the movement of Ahat, intercepted it. In the ensuing confrontation, the ship was blown up along with Kittu and at least eight other LTTE members.

There was a romantic interlude nevertheless. Kittu insisted on bringing over his longtime fiancée Cynthia to Colombo, marrying her and then arranging for her to join him in London. What happened to Cynthia remains unclear.



Prabhakaran consoling Kittu's mother after his death in 1993

Life and death of Krishnakumar (Kittu)

“ILAITHA Thigavaamaich Chaavaarai Yaare, Pilaitha Thorukkit Palar”  ( Who says they err, and visits them with scorn, who die and faithfully guard the oath  they’ve sworn)                                     

—  Thirukkurral No. 779 ( by Thiruvalluvar)  

By D. B. S. Jeyaraj

http://dbsjeyaraj.com/dbsj/

THE 10th death anniversary of Sathasivampillai Krishnakumar alias Col. Kittu was observed in various parts of the North Eastern Province on January 16. In a meaningful gesture, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) launched the first FM broadcasts of their two radio services on that day. Both, the “Puligalin Kural” (Voice of Tigers) and“Thamil Eela Vaanoli” (Radio Tamil Eelam) relayed special broadcasts in Tamil and Sinhala on January 16. Kittu’s death anniversary was chosen for two fitting reasons.

Contrary to the impression being projected by southern anti-peace propagandists, the Tiger radio phenomenon is not a post-ceasefire accord reality. While the LTTE has expanded and enhanced its reach, tone, wavelength and duration from January 16 onwards, the simple truth is that the Tigers first began their radio in 1985. It was confined to the Jaffna peninsula. This venture was started by the LTTE when Kittu was its northern military commander. Kittu in fact was the driving force behind this radio and also other media organs like the first Tiger television network “Nitharsanam” and several journals.

Tribute

If that was one reason for launching the FM radio on January 16 to commemorate Kittu, the other reason was to denote the late LTTE leader’s pioneering attempt to reach out to the Sinhala people. It was under him that the LTTE welcomed several southern political and religious leaders to Jaffna and initiated a dialogue. Although these initiatives came to naught then, the situation is seemingly different now with the LTTE hierarchy trying to communicate with the Sinhala people through mass media. In that context, it was deemed appropriate that tribute be paid to Kittu’s memory.

The life and times of Kittu were in a very vivid sense the saga of a modern northern warrior. Born on January 2, 1960, he lived for only 33 years and two weeks. His contribution to the Tamil liberation struggle within that brief life span was tremendous. He was a colourfully ebullient and flamboyant character. Kittu had striking leadership qualities. Immensely brave, he was very often in the thick of fighting. His exploits were the stuff of which legends evolve.

Short in staturem be-spectacled and balding, Kittu hardly fitted the image of a revolutionary fighter. On one occasion, Kittu riding a motor cycle was stopped by the army. Little suspecting that this ‘bookwormish’ type of Jaffna youth was the daredevil Kittu, the army forced him to accompany them by riding the motorcycle between the military vehicles. He was being taken for routine questioning and the soldiers felt no qualms about letting him ride the bike. Kittu biding his time diverted the motor cycle at an opportune moment into a by lane and then ran on foot through household compounds and made his escape.

Indelible

His name will remain indelible in the military annals of contemporary Tamil history for two reasons. One of them complimentary and the other somewhat condemnatory. 

It was during Kittu’s tenure as the LTTE’s Jaffna commander in 1985 that the Sri Lankan armed forces were prevented from advancing outside their camps and more or less confined to barracks. Barring a few camps, the greater part of the peninsula was devoid of an army presence and in a semi-liberated state. It was claimed then that it was under Kittu that Jaffna was “free” of alien domination for the first time in 365 years. Despite the hyperbole, there was some truth in that because after the Jaffna kingdom was conquered by the Portuguese in 1621 the Tamils were never the masters of their fate.

If the image of Kittu as liberator of Jaffna was positive, there was a negative connotation to that power too. 

It was under Kittu that the LTTE launched fratricidal onslaughts on organisations like the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) on April 28, 1986 and the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) on December 1986. He also effectively silenced the People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) in mid-January 1987 by executing its military commander Vijayabalan alias Mendis. 

Several minor outfits were also banned by Kittu. With the Eelam Revolutionary Organisation (EROS) toeing a pro-LTTE line, the Tigers were the ‘uncrowned kings’ of Jaffna. It was this supremacy established by Kittu that paved the way for LTTE Leader Velupillai Prabakharan to relocate from Chennai to Jaffna on January 5, 1987.

Kittu’s life was indeed remarkable because of his multi-faceted and courageous personality. In spite of losing a leg in a bomb attack, Kittu was gutty enough to continue life in a business as usual fashion with the aid of crutches and later an artificial limb. He made his mark not only as a guerrilla fighter and militia commander, but also as an effective propagandist and seasoned political activist. 

After his fighting days ended, after the loss of his leg, Kittu went over to Chennai and ran the LTTE office there. He was jailed by the Indian authorities and later released in Jaffna. He went to the Wanni and administered the main LTTE camp in Mullaitivu. 

Later, he went to Britain and established the LTTE’s international secretariat in London. Compelled to leave Britain, he went over to Switzerland and engaged in effective lobbying in Geneva. Kittu was designated as the LTTE’s political wing head by Prabhakaran and returning to Jaffna by ship when his life ended tragically on the highseas off the Bengal bay in 1993.

Krishnakumar like his leader and several other Tiger stalwarts hailed from the coastal town of Velvettithurai (VVT). His father , Sathasivampillai owned a printing press in Point Pedro town. He was an ardent supporter of the Federal Party (FP) and participated in many non-violent campaigns launched by the FP under the “Gandhian” S. J. V. Chelvanayagam to restore Tamil rights. 

It is significant that the father named his eldest son Gandhidasan (follower of Gandhi). Krishnakumar was the youngest of four in a family of two boys and two girls. Both the sisters died early under tragic circumstances. Of the family, only Kittu’s brother now a refugee in India is among the living.

‘Good’ intentions

Kittu joined the LTTE at the age of 18 in 1978. He received weapons training at a farm in the Mannar District and later at a plantation in the Madurai District in Tamil Nadu. When the LTTE split into the Prabhakaran and Umamaheswaran factions in early 1980, Kittu remained loyal to Prabhakaran. 

In late 1980, Kittu returned home to his widowed mother in VVT and resumed studies at a Nelliaddy tutory. Despite these ‘good’ intentions, destiny decreed otherwise. The armed forces launched a savage crackdown in Jaffna after the Rs. 81 lakh robbery from a People’s Bank van at Neervely on March 25, 1981. The army surrounded Kittu’s house at VVT to arrest him. Kittu apparently was in his underwear at the time and escaped through the backyard in that state.

Kittu functioned as a comparatively junior member within LTTE ranks from 1981 to 1983. His original nom de guerre was Venkat. This name gradually metamorphosed into Venkittu and later Kittu. His codename for wireless communication was Kilo Delta. Later, when he became Jaffna commander, Kittu was known generally as Kittar or Kittu Mama.

In 1983, Kittu was part of the first batch of LTTE cadres trained by Indian officials in North India. He was the best marksman in that batch and even excelled over his trainers in ‘friendly’ competitions. According to LTTE sources, Tiger Leader Prabhakaran, former first accused in the Duraiappa murder trial Kalapathy and Kittu were the Tiger top three in marksmanship at one point of time.

Kittu returned to Jaffna and worked under Ravindran alias Pandithar. When Pandithar was appointed overall commander of the entire north and east, Kittu was elevated as deputy commander for Jaffna in 1984. Pandithar was ambushed and killed on January 9 at Atchuvely in 1985. 

Thereafter, Kittu took over as Jaffna commander. Kittu divided Jaffna into three zones, Vadamarachchy, Thenmaratchy, Valigamam and appointed Soosai, Curdles and Johnny as respective area commanders. Rasiah Parthiban alias Thileepan was made Jaffna political commissar.

When Kittu took over the Jaffna peninsula, Mahattaya was in charge of the northern mainland known as Wanni, Victor was Mannar commander. Aruna and Santosham were Batticaloa and Amparai commanders. Each one reported directly to Prabakharan in India. 

Kittu’s stock rose after army movement was restricted. Several advances made from different army camps were stopped by doughty Tiger resistance. 

The most significant successes were the foiling of a three-pronged advance from Elephant Pass, Palaly and Jaffna Fort and beating back a helicopter dropped commando assault in Suthumalai. With Jaffna in a state of “semi- liberation,” the LTTE established several structures of control in the peninsula. It even attempted to set up a parallel “civil administration.”

It was during this period when the armed forces found themselves unable to advance on land that the state resorted to aerial bombardment, strafing and artillery shelling of civilian areas. This was the beginning of the Sinhala dominated state’s descent into targeting civilians at random. This practice has continued up to the current ceasefire. 

The commencement of this practice was a sign of weakness by the state. Its writ had stopped running in Jaffna because the militants under Kittu had succeeded in bottling up the armed forces on ground. To many, a Jaffna resident seeing Kittu and his men hurrying in their vehicles to face the advancing enemy was often a reassuring sight.

Media attention

With most journalists making a beeline to Jaffna, Kittu became the primary focus of media attention. He made good copy moving about in a pick up truck in a barebodied state with magazine belts strapped across his chest and the pet monkey “belle” sitting on his shoulder. He also drove a green Lancer, a familiar sight on the streets of Jaffna. He also had a pet leopard. Kittu was fond of animals and set up a mini-zoo named after Pandithar at Kantharmadam. Later, a childrens’ park was named after Kittu in Nallur.

This writer was perhaps the first journalist to obtain a question and answer interview in English from Kittu. It was published in the Indian news magazine Frontline in 1986. Kittu was very proud of that interview and got it translated in Tamil. It was also aired over the Tiger radio. 

One point made by Kittu in that interview was significantly thought provoking. Explaining the success of the LTTE in the battlefield, Kittu said that it was due to bold leadership. Tiger commanders according to Kittu did not hang out in the back forcing the rank and file to go in front. Instead, they inspired by example and were in the vanguard urging cadres to follow. “Come up” and not “Go forward” was the clarion call of LTTE military leaders.

Kittu inspired loyalty and bravery among his men. He would liberally lace his commands with expletives, yet they loved him. He was also prone to using his fists on cadres as punishment. This would have been unheard of in a conventional army. He was also a stickler for internal discipline within camps. All premises had to be spick and span. The cadres too had to be neat and tidy when there was a lull in fighting. After Kittu ceased command, more than a hundred committed Tiger cadres quit the movement and went abroad.

One of Kittu’s feats was outsmarting former National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali in an exchange of prisoners. Kittu had two soldiers in custody and after some intricate negotiations, arranged for a swap with two Tigers in custody. 

Athulathmudali told the Colombo media that the two LTTE men were junior cadres. Later to his chagrin, he discovered that one of the released men bearing a false name was none other than Aruna, a very senior leader. The eastern commander was returning by sea from India and was picked up by the navy after the Tiger vessel was sunk. Aruna kept his identity secret and passed word of his capture to Kittu. Thereafter, Kittu manoeuvred the prisoner swap cleverly without arousing Lalith’s suspicion.

Kittu also welcomed President Kumaratunga’s late husband and popular cine idol Vijaya Kumaratunga to Jaffna in 1986. The visit and subsequent interaction was a landmark development and helped greatly to dispel some wrong notions in the south about the Tamil struggle. Incidentally, the other two SLMP Leaders to accompany Vijaya were the late Ossie Abeygoonesekera and current Parliamentarian Felix Perera. It was only a few weeks ago that the children of both were united in matrimony with Vijaya’s widow attending as a witness.

Hospitality

Kittu also met with a UNP delegation led by former Yatiyantota MP Vincent Perera. He also welcomed some Buddhist clergy to Jaffna and went to the extent of offering pinkamaon bended knee. He also invited and extended hospitality to the families of Sinhala servicemen in LTTE custody. 

It was also Kittu who first began the practice of handing over bodies of soldiers killed in battle to the army. The first such handing over was of some soldiers killed in Adampan. Former LTTE Political Wing member Rahim took the bodies to the Jaffna Fort. Kittu along with Rahim also took the popular Sinhala soldier “Capt. Kotelawela” on a visit to Jaffna while a war was on.

Kittu’s ascendancy as the latter day “sankiliyan” of Jaffna underwent a violent jolt on March 30, 1987. Felled by the arrows of “Manmathan” (Cupid), Kittu had been in the habit of visiting his medical student girlfriend Cynthia every evening routinely. This predictability in movement was a cardinal error for an experienced guerrilla. 

On that fateful evening, an assassin lying in wait hurled a bomb killing Kittu’s bodyguard. Kittu himself was seriously injured and made a miraculous recovery, but was crippled for life. Later, Kittu was to marry Cynthia at the Colombo Hilton during the government-LTTE talks when Ranasinghe Premadasa was President.

Kittu naturally relinquished his Jaffna command after the injury. Yet, he was at the forefront again during the Vadamarachchy operation. Seated on the pillion of a motorcycle, Kittu no longer the fighting commander was going from place to place, position to position urging and encouraging the hopelessly outnumbered Tiger cadres to fight. He moved to India after the Indo-Lanka accord with the idea of obtaining a Jaipur artificial limb. War however, broke out between the Indian army and the LTTE.

Kittu then transformed himself into a political negotiator and propagandist. He met several Tamil Nadu political leaders including DMK Leader Karunanidhi and sought support. Several interviews were given. 

An entire series of booklets exposing Indian army atrocities were published titled ‘Pawan Papers.’ Kittu also got down a prominent Tamil academic from abroad to Chennai and obtained a legal critique of the Indo-Lanka accord. It was published as a Tiger document. This is regarded as the finest ever critique of the accord. Kittu was also far seeing enough to meet with a Muslim delegation led by Dr. Badiuddhin Mahmud in Madras and sign a power sharing formula for Tamils and Muslims. That agreement is worthy of emulation even now.

Tragic end

Kittu’s continuing role as a fifth columnist in India came to an end after the Indian authorities cracked down. He was arrested and jailed. Kittu commenced a protest fast. Indian authorities perturbed by the possibility of another Thileepan type martyr on their hands, took him to Jaffna and released him. Kittu went to the Wanni. Later, he came to Colombo as part of the negotiating team. 

In October 1989, Kittu moved to London to obtain an artificial leg. He shed his crutches and did get a “new” leg. Never a person to idle politically, Kittu set up an international secretariat for the LTTE in London. He became its first secretary general. All LTTE overseas branches were linked together under this.

He was compelled to move to Switzerland due to special circumstances. In Geneva, he engaged in intensive lobbying while coordinating functions of the overseas Tigers. His horizons widened greatly during this period and with the help of some friends, drew up a blueprint for democratising the LTTE. 

He was again forced to move to Mexico due to unavoidable circumstances. It was at this point that the LTTE supremo summoned him back to Jaffna to take up duties as political wing chief. Kittu went to Singapore and headed for home in the Tiger ship “Ahat.” It was apprehended in international waters by the Indian navy. Knowing Kittu was on board, the Indians wanted to arrest him.

So Kittu sent the ship captain Jayachandran and other crew members away by boat. Thereafter, Kittu in the manner of fallen comrades took cyanide along with Kutty Sri and eight others. The ship was fired upon and sunk by the navy. Thus, ended the heroic saga of a northern warrior. He was posthumously given Colonel rank. Later, when crew members were produced in Indian courts, the judiciary ruled that the Indian navy had committed an illegal act by detaining a ship on international highseas.

Kittu’s death came as a severe shock to all those who knew him. It was a big blow to Prabhakaran. Later, the LTTE’s artillery unit was named after Kittu. It is commanded by Bhanu. It was the Kittu artillery unit that was primarily responsible for several Tiger military victories including Elephant Pass. Now the Tiger’s broadcasts have been timed to commemorate Kittu’s name. Like most Tiger leaders he had his good and bad aspects. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the name of Col. Kittu will be indelibly etched when the history of the Tamil liberation struggle is written.

Thanjavur after the Cholas: Layers of history in a visual potpourri of styles

Thanjavur after the Cholas: Layers of history in a visual potpourri of styles
Set in the heartland of the Cholas, this eclectic complex offers us a glimpse into what became of the region after the empire faded away.

Madhumita Gopalan| Saturday, July 9, 2016 - 15:18
http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/thanjavur-after-cholas-layers-history-visual-potpourri-styles-46205

The fertile town of Thanjavur or Tanjore in the Kaveri delta region of Tamil Nadu, is well known as the capital of the glorious Chola empire. It is home to the breathtaking Brihadeeshwara Temple, a UNESCO World Heritage Site that attracts hordes of visitors each day. However, a lot of them end up skipping a little piece of Thanjavur’s post-Chola legacy - the Thanjavur Palace.

After the decline of the Chola empire, Thanjavur was under Pandya rule for a few decades, and then controlled by the Delhi Sultanate. 

In the late 14th century, it merged with the growing Vijayanagara empire. The Vijayanagara rulers appointed governors or viceroys called Nayaks for the administration of the different parts of their kingdom. In the 16th century, after Vijayanagar suffered a huge defeat at the hands of the Deccan Sultanates, many of these Nayaks declared independence. The Nayaks of Thanjavur were among these, and they ruled the region for more than a hundred years. The Thanjavur Palace was built by them in the middle of the 16th century.

In 1674, a Maratha general called Venkoji (also known as Ekoji I), conquered Thanjavur at the behest of the Bijapur Sultanate, but ended up occupying it and declaring independence. He was the first ruler of the Thanjavur Maratha kingdom that lasted for nearly 2 centuries, until it was annexed to British India. 

Instead of building a new palace, the Maratha rulers used the existing one as their residence. To suit their needs, they made many additions and modifications to the complex. Between those and the somewhat confused restoration work that has been carried out in recent years, the Thanjavur Palace is quite a potpourri of structures in various styles.



The Maratha Darbar Hall

The most beautiful of these is the Maratha Darbar Hall. It is an absolute delight with its colorful murals depicting various Hindu deities, portraits of Maratha rulers, intricate stucco images of Gods and Goddesses and magnificent pillars.



The Maratha Darbar Hall

Many parts of the palace have been converted into galleries, and the most fascinating exhibits are the exquisite sculptures and bronzes, several dating all the way back to the Chola era. The gallery where the bronzes are displayed was formerly used as an audience hall by the Nayak rulers. Today, a statue of Serfoji II, probably the most notable of the Maratha rulers, stands in the middle of it. The Raja Serfoji Memorial Hall in the residential wing of the palace showcases an assortment of artefacts from the royal household.







The eight storeyed Arsenal Tower, that resembles like the pyramidal vimana of a Dravidian temple, served as an armoury as well as a watch tower. It is said to have had only two floors when the Nayaks built it, and was expanded to its current form by the Marathas. An interesting oddity on display in this tower is the skeleton of a gigantic 92 feet long whale that was washed ashore in Tranquebar, a seaside town ninety odd kilometers away.



Arsenal Tower



A part of the whale’s skeleton

The seven storeyed Bell Tower or ‘Manikoondu’ almost looks like a modern skyscraper. It is believed that it was fitted with a bell in the past, that would toll every hour, giving the structure its name.



Restored structures with the Bell Tower in the background

The Saraswati Mahal Library in the palace complex looks deceptively small, but is in fact one of the oldest libraries in Asia with over 60,000 books. It was commissioned by the Nayaks, but its biggest patron was Serfoji II. He had books brought from all over India to add to its collection. The library’s priceless treasures include dictionaries, scientific works, historical letters, ancient maps, administrative records, palm leaf manuscripts and several rare books.

Admittedly, the Thanjavur Palace is not the most stunning palace around, as it is said to have been built to serve as a fort as well. However, set in the heartland of the Cholas, this eclectic complex offers us a glimpse into what became of the region after the empire faded away.

(Madhumita Gopalan is a photographer, blogger and history enthusiast who loves photo-documenting travel, culture and architecture. She blogs at www.madhugopalan.com)

When Muhammad Ali came to Madras and held hands with MGR

When Muhammad Ali came to Madras and held hands with MGR
Crowds thronged Chennai’s Nehru stadium to witness the legend in action in 1980.

TNM Staff| Saturday, June 4, 2016 - 10:33

http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/when-muhammad-ali-came-madras-and-held-hands-mgr-44338





Image: DIPR, via The Hindu

As the entire globe mourns the death of boxing legend Muhammad Ali, we take you back 36 years to January 1980, when the world-class boxer came to Chennai to fight a bout with Jimmy Ellis. What’s more, we got to see Ali and MGR, hold hands on the stage, an electrifying sight to see the star-politician and inspirational boxer together.

According to a report on The Hindu, crowds thronged Chennai’s Nehru stadium to witness the legend in action in 1980.

Organised by Tamil Nadu State Amateur Boxing Association and Apeejay, the exhibition bout that saw Ali taking on former heavy weight champion Jimmy Ellis, reported The Hindu.


The run-up to the match itself saw The Hindu ’s pages splashed with advertisements enticing spectators to the match. The tickets were priced at Rs. 100, 70, 50, 20, and 10. Connemara Hotel, which hosted the boxer in one of its luxury suites, also issued an advertisement with an accompanying sketch of the sportsman in deep sleep.

The News Minute spoke to Rabu Manohar, a senior lawyer now based in Chennai. He attended the match in 1980 and was 17 years old then.

"We actually went to see MGR, MGR was our hero then. But it was amazing to see Muhammad Ali. I remember that he went around the stadium in a jeep, and all throughout they were playing the song "Muhammad Ali the black superman song."

He also narrates a funny incident. "I remember that when MGR was trying to get into the podium, his dhoti got stuck between the ropes. So he jumped in! He was more youthful than Ali then! I still remember." says Manohar.

According to another lawyer based in Chennai, who was 10-years-old in 1980, an elephant was aso brought to the show when Ali fought Ellis.

Ali is reported to have been inspired by the crowds which thronged the airport to meet him, and told his wife the same. According to The Hindu ’s report dated Februrary 1, 1980, “The swift movements, cat-like reflexes, the shuffles and the lethal left jab were all there but were all too brief to savour in fullness.”

The newspaper further reports,


In a dramatic twist to an otherwise smooth press meet, the pugilist faced off with a reporter who questioned his weakness on the left hook. Challenging the reporter to join him on the podium he said “Son, in my 49 fights I have knocked out 32 of my opponents and I haven’t suffered much punishment. You see my face? Do you see any scars or disfigurements? It looks nice and clean isn’t it? That’s it, that is why I am the greatest.”

It wasn't just Ellis that Ali took on, a school boy was also allowed to take a few swings at Ali then. Here is a picture





Image Source

Here is another picture from his 1980 visit.

View image on Twitter



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Bhooloham The Movie @Bhooloham


Rare pic- Dr.MGR & Muhammad Ali.Team Bhooloham salutes the legends on their bday today @actor_jayamravi@trishtrashers
1:29 PM - 17 Jan 2013

http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/when-muhammad-ali-came-madras-and-held-hands-mgr-44338

Breaking down Tamil Nadu’s vote-share-2016 Elelctions

Breaking down Tamil Nadu’s vote-share: Who gained, who lost and what it means

Every vote counted.

http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/breaking-down-tamil-nadus-vote-share-who-gained-who-lost-and-what-it-means-43561

Anna Isaac| Ramanathan S.| Friday, May 20, 2016 - 16:59

While the big story out of the TN polls was a comfortable victory for Jayalalithaa with 134 seats, 36 more than the DMK alliance, the vote-shares of the different parties narrate several small and yet interesting stories.

A direct comparison of vote-shares of the parties in 2011 and in 2016 shows that both the AIADMK and DMK have gained, while all other parties except the PMK have taken a significant hit.

AIADMK has increased its individual vote-share by 2.4% since 2011, from 38.4% to 40.8%.

DMK has increased its individual vote-share by 9.2% since 2011, from 22.39% to 31.6%.

PMK has managed to retain its vote share a bit more than 5%.

DMDK’s vote share has fallen from an impressive 7.8% in 2011 to an embarrassing 2.4%.

Other parties like the Left and VCK have also seen a dip in their already paltry vote share.

The BJP has seen its share increase from 2.2% to 2.8%, which is now being claimed to be a victory by the party.

But this is just a simple reading of the vote-shares. The alliance arithmetic was very different in 2016 compared to 2011.

AIADMK likely to have lost vote-share

In 2011, AIADMK, Left and DMDK were in an alliance, and the anti-DMK, pro-Jayalalithaa wave helped AIADMK’s allies significantly. The dip in vote-share for DMDK and the Left from 2011 to 2016 is proof of the largely accepted fact that the DMDK and Left benefitted from the AIADMK in 2011 – and much of their vote-share in 2011 actually belonged to the AIADMK.

One point emerging from this is that the real vote-share of AIADMK in 2011 was not just 38.4% - much of the DMDK’s 7.8%, the Left’s 4.4% in 2011 actually belonged to Jayalalithaa. Apart from the table above, AIADMK alliance's vote share in 2011 including MMK, PT and AIFB is 51.8%. Going by the fact that there was a bit of perceived anti-incumbency against Jayalalithaa, and that she notched up 44% votes in 2014 General polls, it would not be too wrong to say that the AIADMK has in fact lost some vote-share in 2016 compared to 2011.

DMK has made significant gains

The DMK and MK Stalin have come to receive much criticism for not being able to defeat the AIADMK in spite of some anti-incumbency. The truth though is that going by vote-share, they have put up a good performance.

In 2011, the vote-share of the DMK and Congress put together was 31.6%, and in 2016 their combined vote-share is 38%. With other allies like IUML, MMK and PT in tow, the DMK alliance notched up 39.7% of the votes in 2016, which is by no means a failure. Take a bow, MK Stalin.

Analysts have further pointed out that the poor performance of allies have pulled down the overall performance of the DMK alliance, and that is evident from the ‘contested vote-shares’ of the individual parties, as pointed out here.

Anti-incumbency against Jayalalithaa

Interestingly, the analysis in The Hindu also shows that the ‘contested vote-shares’ of the DMK and AIADMK – which is the votes they polled in the seats they contested in alone – stood at 41.05% in 176 seats and 40.78% in 232 seats respectively. While this does point to a dwindling vote-share of the AIADMK as already pointed out, it also does point to an anti-incumbency, but clearly not enough to tip the scales in favour of DMK. AIADMK notching up more than 40% votes in 232 seats does not point to a significant anger against the party as journalists were presenting based on anecdotal evidence before the polls.

Vijayakant and allies: Neither kings nor kingmakers, but paupers

What the 2016 polls have done is help take off DMDK Vijaykant’s mask of grandeur. Far from his 7.8% vote-share in 2011, when he benefitted from an alliance with the AIADMK, he polled just about 2.4%, even with the combined campaigning might of Vaiko, Left parties and VCK. The DMDK now stands to lose its status as a state party since it has neither won 3 seats nor 3% of the votes.

CPI and CPI(M) have been reduced to 0.8% and 0.7% respectively, and VCK is down to 0.8% too.  Tamil Manila Congress led by GK Vasan polled a negligible 0.5%.

The MDMK, which boycotted the 2011 polls, also saw the number of votes polled plummet to 0.9% as compared to 6 per cent in the 2006 assembly elections.      

But when every rupee counts, paupers can help

But that the PWF-DMDK-TMC won no seats and were individually reduced to paltry vote-shares does not mean they were not important to these elections.

The margin of vote-shares between AIADMK and DMK+ is just 1.1%, and the third front with all its parties combined notched up 5.1%. This has no doubt harmed the DMK by helping divide the votes in favour of AIADMK.

BJP’s marginal gains

Even though the BJP won no seats, TN BJP chief Tamilisai Soundararajan has patted the state unit on the back for increasing their vote share. The BJP’s share went up by 0.6%, they got 2.2% having contested in 204 seats in 2011, and 2.8% after contesting in 134 seats in 2016. The BJP has also made gains in some urban seats.

PMK holds on to its vote-share by increasing contested seats

The PMK which contested in all seats, after piggybacking on the Dravidian parties, drew a blank with CM candidate Anbumani Ramadoss also defeated at Pennagaram. Its vote-share remains stagnant at around 5.3%, but it is to be noted that they contested in only 30 seats in 2011, but all 234 seats in 2016.

Now, watch a fun video on how the next 5 years is going to be.

Police TID Arrests 4 Top Eastern Ex-Tiger Leaders

Police TID Arrests 4 Top Eastern Ex-Tiger Leaders Who Worked With Military Intelligence After War Ended13 May 2016, 1:11 am
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
http://dbsjeyaraj.com/dbsj/archives/46532#

A widespread security crackdown has been underway in the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. Over 20 former members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)organization have been reportedly taken into custody over the past weeks in a staggered security operation spearheaded by the Terrorism Investigation Department (TID)of the Police.Almost all of the ex-LTTE cadres are being detained under provisions of the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). They are being reportedly interrogated by TID officials at Jaffna, Vavuniya, Boosa and Colombo.



Many of the arrested ex-tigers were persons who had surrendered after the war ended in May 2009. They had been detained for a period of time and later released after being put through a rehabilitation process. Some of the ex –tigers currently arrested are reportedly persons who have not gone through the process of rehabilitation. They had apparently not surrendered after the war and had evaded capture in the past. While close upon 12,000 former LTTE members who surrendered have been released after rehabilitation , it is also estimated that about 4,000 ex-tigers who did not surrender continue to remain in Sri Lanka. There are also large numbers of former LTTE members who have fled Sri Lanka after May 2009. These include both rehabilitated and non – rehabilitated ex-tiger cadre.

Among those arrested so far are four senior ex-tiger leaders. All four of them had at one time held powerful positions within the LTTE command structure in the Eastern province after the Eastern revolt and breakaway of former LTTE eastern commander Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias “Col”Karuna in 2004. They are Ethirmannasingham Harichandran alias “Col” Ram, Kanapathipillai Sivamoorthy alias “Lt.Col” Nagulan, Ganeshapillai Arivazhaghan alias “Lt. Col”Kalaiarasan and Krishnapillai Kalainesan alias “Lt. Col” Praba. Three of the four were arrested in the Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Amparai districts respectively while the fourth was taken into custody in the Jaffna district.

Four Senior Ex –LTTE Eastern Leaders


Ethirmannasingham Harichandran alias Ram

The first of the four senior ex-LTTE eastern leaders to be arrested was Harichandran alias Ram in Amparai district on April 24th 2016. “Col”Ram had earlier been the LTTE Military commander of the LTTE for Amparai and Batticaloa districts. Ram who joined the LTTE in 1984 had lost his wife and two children during the war in the northern mainland known as the Wanni. After the war he had married again and was engaged in paddy cultivation in the area of Thambiluvil . Harichandran hails from Thirukkovil in the Amparai district. He had been returning home from the paddy fields when he was seized and bundled into a blue jeep and taken away by some “unknown”persons. After his wife raised the alarm it was officially announced that Ram had been arrested by the TID for inquiries.

The second senior eastern tiger leader to be arrested was Ganeshapillai Arivazhaghan alias “Lt. Col” Kalaiarasan on April 25th 2016. Kalaiarasan who was earlier known by the nom de guerre “Kamal” had been the LTTE intelligence chief for Trincomalee district when the war ended. Kalaiarasan a native of Aalankerni in the Kinniya area of Trincomalee was now married and living in the Trincomalee town area. He was engaged in dairy farming and breeding cattle after the war concluded.

Earlier a team of TID officials in civilian garb went in search of Kalaiarasan to his home on Channel street after nightfall. The ex –LTTE intelligence wing chief got perturbed and ran away fearing the worst. After hiding elsewhere until daybreak. Afterwards Kalaiarasan tried to seek protection at the Human Rights Commission regional office in Trincomalee in the morning. He was accompanied by his wife Sithara. TID officials identified themselves and took him into custody outside the Trinco Human rights office premises . Sithara was told not to make a fuss about the arrest and was assured that her husband would be sent home in five days. Arivazhaghan alias Kalaiarasan a.k.a. Kamal who was arrested on April 25th has still not been released.


Kanapathipillai Sivamoorthy alias “Lt. Col” Nagulan

The third senior ex – LTTE leader to be arrested was Kanapathipillai Sivamoorthy alias “Lt. Col” Nagulan on April 26th 2016. Nagulan who joined the movement in 1989 had served as the special commander of the LTTE’s Charles Anthony infantry brigade. He had later functioned under “Col” Ram as the deputy military commander of the LTTE in Amparai and Batticaloa districts. Though Nagulan had been stationed in the Eastern province for many years he was actually from the North.Sivamoorthy alias Nagulan hailed from Neervaeli in the Jaffna peninsula.

After the war, Sivamoorthy got married and was engaged in growing plantain trees and the sale of Plantains. Neervaely is reputed for its plantains and yams.His wife who was a teacher in Paranthan hads recently completed a teachers training course in Jaffna. A team of TID officials had gone to Nagulan’s house in Neervaeli and asked him to come along with them for an inquiry. The officers had also asked Nagulan’s father to accompany them saying they would let both go off after they answered a few questions.Upon reaching Jaffna town the officers had sent Nagulan’s father back , telling him that the son too would be set free in a few hours. Sivamoorthy alias Nagulan is still under arrest.

The fourth ex –LTTE senior eastern leader to be arrested was Krishnapillai Kalainesan alias “Lt. Col” Praba on May 2nd 2016. Kalainesan alias “Praba” had been the LTTE intelligence chief for Batticaloa and Amparai districts at the time of the war ending in May 2009. Praba a native of Santhiveli in Batticaloa district had married a woman named Kayalvizhi from Naavatkudah in Batticaloa and was residing there. They have two children.After engaging in a Palmyra leaf weaving project for a while, the Kalainesan – Kayalvizhi couple had obtained a contract to run the canteen at the Technical College located at Manchanthoduvaai in Batticaloa.


Krishnapillai Kalainesan alias “Lt. Col” Praba

A team of TID officers went to Kalainesan alias Praba’s residence at Naavatkudaah early morning on Monday May 2nd. He was first taken to the Police station at Kaattankudi. The officers then told Praba’s wife Kayalvizhi that they were taking him to the Human Rights Commission regional office at Kalmunai. Her husband would be released after a statement was recorded the wife was told. Thereafter the officials went south via the Kalmunai road. Later on it transpired that Kalainesan alias Praba had been taken to the TID headquarters in Colombo.

Detection Of Mini-Arsenal In Maravanpulavu
As is well known now the current spree of arrests was triggered off by the detection of a mini-arsenal at a house on Pillaiyar street in Maravanpulavu in the Thenmaratchy sector of Jaffna district on March 29th 2016. Among the items detected were a suicide jacket, four claymore mines, three parcels containing about 12 kilos of TNT explosives, two battery packs as well as some 9mm ammunition. The cache had been brought from Iluppaikkadavai in Mannar district to Jaffna by the chief occupant in the house named Edward Julian also known as Ramesh. 32 year old Edward Julian – a native of Murunkan in Mannar district- was a former LTTE member who had neither surrendered nor been rehabilitated after the war ended. He drove a truck and was involved in transporting and selling fish as a business. Edward Julian alias Ramesh was arrested on March 30th 2016 at a road block between Jeyapuram and Akkarayankulam in the Kilinochchi district.

The TID thereafter took over and Edward Julian was brought to Colombo. It was after this development that the current spate of arrests commenced. A number of Edward Julian’s acquaintances traced through his cellular telephone were targeted. Initially five persons traced via Julian’s phone were arrested in Vavuniya and Mannar districts. These were followed by more arrests all over the Northern province. Almost all of those arrested were ex-LTTE members.Some had never been rehabilitated earlier. Others were surrendees who were now leading normal civilian life after being rehabilitated.

Interestingly the current security exercise seems to be more or less a solo exercise by the Police Terrorism Investigation Department (TID) No other state agency seems to be involved or is even being consulted, it appears. Newspaper reports have made it clear that the current security operation is being directed and supervised by Senior Spdt of Police (SSP) Nalaka de Silva the TID director himself. Without any unnecessary publicity or fanfare ,the TID seems determined to delve into matters concerning the Maravanpulavu arms cache detection.

The detection of comparative small quantities of arms and ammunition in various parts of the North and East have been a recurring phenomenon during the past years. Apparently the LTTE has collectively and tighers individually have dumped or concealed arms , ammunition and explosives in various locations at various times. Some of these have been discovered or detected on different occasions in recent years. It appears that the arms cache in question had been earlier stored at Iluppaikkadavai in 2008. It is surmised that this could have been done when the tigers were gradually retreating in the face of the advancing 58 division commanded by Shavendra Silva at that point of time. What is troubling however is the question that arose out of the detection. Why was this cache transported after all these years from Mannar district to Jaffna district and kept in Maravanpulavu at this juncture?

On that basis it was suspected that an attack or assassination in Jaffna was being plotted. While the LTTE had been militarily defeated at Mullivaaikkaal in May 2009, the overseas structures of the LTTE were unaffected. Some of the LTTE elements abroad have been trying to bring about a tiger revival in the Island and cause violence. There have been three blatant attempts to bring about a LTTE renaissance in the past. Fortunately all three attempts were nipped in the bud. Was a fourth attempt being enacted now?


The overseas tigers were not going to risk anything. What they were doing was to instigate and encourage others in India or Sri Lanka to engage in such revival attempts. The Diaspora tigers would simply finance them. Since very large numbers of ex – LTTE cadre were in dire financial need in Sri Lanka , the overseas tigers could use cash as an incentive to motivate them into resuming violence. An attempted revival of the LTTE does not mean a return of the LTTE with all its conventional military units,heavy artillery, naval flotilla or fledgling air wing! A revival attempt in the current context could only mean one or two acts of destructive violence. An assassination or explosion would suffice. This would be enough to stridently trumpet that the tigers are back, disrupt normalcy in the North – east and embark upon a fund raising campaign in the West.

Tiger Revival Attempt In The Island
It is with this objective that tiger elements abroad are funding and fomenting a tiger revival attempt in the Island. The most fertile ground to attract followers to this cause is amidst the hearts and minds of former tiger cadres now struggling to get on with life in the North and east. Just as the overseas tigers target former LTTE cadres as potential recruits to engage in violence , the law enforcement officials in Sri Lanka also view the ex-tigers as potential suspects in exercises of this type. Just as cops round up convicted criminals of the area as the usual suspects whenever a crime occurs in the vicinity , the law enforcement officers also target ex –LTTE cadres if and when a LTTE revival attempt is suspected. Thus the detection of arms at Maravampulavu has resulted in a series of ex –LTTE cadre arrests.Since the original suspect Julian alias Ramesh was an unrehabiliated ex –LTTE cadre himself , the subsequent arrests of ex –tigers became inevitable and have a certain amount of credence.

Primarily Focusing on ex –LTTE acquaintances and contacts of Edward Julian, the TID took into custody around 20 persons in the North.Soon the arresting spree spilled over into the Eastern province too. The arrests in the East however caused drastic shock waves. This was because those being arrested in the East were senior Tigers who had been high profile eastern LTTE leaders at one time. Even Nagulan a native of Neervaeli arrested in the north was for practical purposes an easterner having been resident in the “Kizhakku”(east) for many many years. Why were they being arrested now ? was the perplexing question.

It appeared to most people aware of post – war developments that something was amiss somewhere. While acknowledging the fact that law enforcement authorities have the right to arrest people on suspicion through proper procedure in the interests of national security, there also began to emerge doubts as to whether those responsible for the on- going arrests were fully cognizant with the past track record of those being arrested, particularly the ex –LTTE eastern leaders. These doubts were further enhanced by news reports citing Police sources. Some news reports attributed to Police sources stated that the arrested eastern ex – tigers had not undergone full rehabilitation and had also been army intelligence informants .Such reports demonstrated clearly that the officials behind the arrests of the Eastern ex –LTTE cadres were woefully unaware of the remarkable roles played by Ram, Nagulan, Kalaiarasan and Praba in the aftermath of the war. All four had been involved in a counter –intelligence operation that the Sri Lankan state and its agencies could be proud of.

What happened then was this. When the LTTE was defeated and its supremo Veluppillai Prabhakaran killed in May 2009, a contingent of LTTE cadres were still “free and fighting” in the Amparai district jungles of Kanjikudichchaaru and Kaanjirankudaah. They were led by the LTTE Amparai-Batticaloa military commander “Col” Ram and deputy military commander “Lt.Col”Nagulan. When LTTE leader Prabhakaran made plans to break through the military cordon encircling Mullivaaikkaal and escape, one of the alternative destinations he had in mind was the Kanjikudichaaru jungles. This however was not to be and Prabhakaran was killed.

After the military debacle in the north the armed forces and Police Special Task Force (STF) began increasing pressure on the LTTE cadres in Amparai district. So Ram, Nagulan and other LTTE fighters then moved further north to the Kudumbimalai/Thoppigala area jungles. With constant military pressure being exerted, both Ram and Nagulan dispersed the cadres and moved to Vellaveli in the “Paduvaankarai” (shore of the setting sun)region and went into hiding. Meanwhile appeals were sent out by both to the overseas tiger branches that they had not surrendered and that the LTTE in the east required further assistance to continue the armed struggle.

The LTTE’s Batticaloa –Amparai intelligence chief Lt. Col Praba was in the Wanni during the final stages of the war. He left the Puthukkudiyiruppu-Mullivaaikkaal region in April and relocated to the Nedunkerny area jungles with some tiger cadres before the LTTE was defeated totally. Praba then moved to a safe house on the outskirts of Vavuniya town.Praba’s Trincomalee district counterpart Arivazhaghan alias Kalaiarasan was at that time holed up in the Kiliveddi area jungles of Trincomalee district. The Batticaloa-Amparai LTTE intelligence chief Praba was in touch clandestinely with Trincomalee LTTE intelligence chief Kalaiarasan on the one hand and the Ram – Nagulan duo on the other.

Counter-Intelligence Feat In Three Stages

It was at this point of time that Sri Lanka’s intelligence officials executed a brilliant counter – intelligence feat phased out in three stages. In the first phase an LTTE cadre of mixed Sinhala-Tamil parentage whose name begins with a “T” was utilised to establish links with Trinco tiger intelligence chief Kalaiarasan and “turn” him. In the second phase Kalaiarasan was used to entrap Praba in Vavuniya and consequently win him over. In the third phase Praba was deployed cleverly to inveigle and apprehend Ram and Nagulan in Vellavely. Despite having four senior Eastern LTTE leaders in their grasp, the Sri Lankan intelligence personnel did not publicise the fact. Instead they commenced an unorthodox covert operation.

An impression was created that Ram, Nagulan, Praba, Kalaiarasan and some other eastern LTTE cadres were functioning independently and still continuing with the armed struggle for Tamil Eelam. Ram established contact with overseas LTTE branches and sought financial and arms assistance. A great deal of money was reportedly sent from abroad, though exact details are unavailable. Ram also issued statements and even sent a letter supportive of Selvarasah Pathmanathan alias “KP” during the overseas LTTE leadership tussle with Perinbarasa Sivaparan alias “Nediyavan”. It was during this time that Dayamohan the LTTE political commissar for Amparai –Batticaloa made his way to Malaysia and from there to Switzerland.

One of the subterfuges adopted by Sri Lankan intelligence officials to propagate the “LTTE Fighting on in the East”myth was the creation of “counterfeit” tiger camps in the jungle. Some Indian and Pakistani journalists were allowed to visit these camps and interview Col Ram and Lt. Col Nagulan. These interview/articles were published with pride as praiseworthy scoops. It was said that Tigers were yet actively fighting in the East.One of the Indian magazines so deceived was the Tamil bi-weekly “Nakkeeran” which describes itself as a premier investigative journal. The height of deception was the exclusive article appearing in a prestigious UK publication. The writer was a top – notch British journalist from the Aristocratic upper crust of English society married to the daughter of a Duke.

The illusion of tigers continuing the struggle in the east helped Intelligence officials utilise Ram &Co as instruments to establish and maintain contacts with the LTTE overseas structure and its covert supporters elsewhere for a while. This helped the Sri Lankan state to garner extensive information of overseas tigers and identify key operatives. It was however too good to last and gradually suspicion began growing from September 2009 amidst Tiger elements in the Diaspora as to whether Ram was really independent or not.

The drama was brought to an end by November 2009. News reports in Sri Lanka quoting security sources said that Ram had escaped from the Minneriya security camp on Nov 5th. A second news report stated that he had been recaptured on Nov 10th.Ram himself communicated with tigers abroad and said that the news reports were wrong and that he was yet free.A special message on behalf of “Col” Ram was issued on November 27th the “Maaveerar Naal” or “Great Heroes Day”.There were however few takers for this stunt. By the end of November it became clear that the deceptive counter-intelligence exercise had outlived its usefulness. The illusion of LTTE fighting in the East was allowed to fizzle out gradually.

The top Eastern tigers including Ram, Nagulan, Praba and Kalaiarasan were kept under protective custody for a few more years at different locations. Officials interacting with the detained tiger leaders finally arrived at the conclusion that the ex-tigers had indeed turned over a new leaf. Having ascertained that they would lead normal lives if and when released, it was decided to release them. Finally in 2013 they had to undergo a process of rehabilitation for a 45 day period in July – August. It was felt that given the extensive cooperation rendered by the ex –tiger leaders there was no need for them to undergo the mandatory One year period of rehabilitation. They were then released individually to their respective families in August 2013.

After being released the ex- eastern tiger leaders like many of their rehabilitated comrades picked up the pieces of their life and resumed living. Ram who had lost his wife and children re-married and engaged in his family tradition of agriculture in Thirukkovil – Thambiluvil.. Praba resumed family life again with his wife and two daughters. After struggling financially for a while their prospects became brighter after securing a contract to run the canteen at Manchanthoduvaai Technical College. Kalaiarasan entered wedlock , re-located to Trinco town and began raising cattle for a dairy business. Nagulan left the East and returned home to Neervaeli in the North. He married a school teacher and began growing plantain trees and also transporting and selling Bananas wholesale.

All their lives have now been shattered. It was well known in the community that the four ex-tiger leaders had been in custody and had cooperated with military intelligence officials. It was also understood that they like many other former LTTE members were trying to resume and lead normal lives. Contrary to Diaspora tiger expectations,there are very few among the people of the North and East who believe a revival of the LTTE on a major scale is possible. Despite attempts by tiger elements in the Diaspora, the people living in Sri Lanka have evinced no desire whatsoever to encourage a recurrence of political violence. Thus the community at large did not perceive any threat or danger from the ex –tiger leaders .However, as is typical , there existed a certain amount of reserve on the part of the people in interacting with the ex-tiger leaders.


Fears of “White Van” under “Yahapalanaya”

Revived Fears Of “White Van Culture”

The mode and scale of arrests have raised much concern among family members. Many of them were not informed about the reasons for their arrests. Instead they were simply “abducted” by officers in civil dress and taken away in vehicles. This modus operandi revived fears that the “white Van “culture prevalent in the Rajapaksa regime had re- commenced under the “Yahapalanaya” regime of President Sirisena too.

The other disturbing factor was that of several rehabilitated ex-tigers being arrested again. This was particularly so in the case of arrested ex-tiger eastern leaders.Several close relatives kept repeating to Tamil media personnel that the arrested persons had been rehabilitated. They had been released as free persons after rehabilitation. So why are they being arrested again now? Was the question that troubled them.

While understanding the fear and anxiety of family members in this matter there is one important fact has to be made clear. The rehabilitation and release of former LTTE cadres provides a clean chit only for their past activities. The rehabilitated ex-tiger will not be penalised or held responsible for any old act of omission or commission during the time he or she was active in the LTTE. This however does not grant immunity from being interrogated, arrested or punished for any new illegal act or crime allegedly committed after being released. If one was suspected of participating in any exercise to engage in violence or revive the LTTE then that person would have to be probed by law enforcement officers. An investigation could result in the arrested person being released if found innocent. Rehabilitation does not provide blanket immunity or exemption from arrest.

Another effect of the arrests of four eastern ex-tiger leaders is the elation it has caused among tiger circles in the global Tamil Diaspora. It was well-known that Ram, Nagulan and the others had cooperated with the Sri Lankan authorities after the war ended. Several top rung functionaries among overseas tigers had been deceived by the counter –intelligence drama enacted by Sri Lankan officials in which Ram and Nagulan and others played key roles. The overseas tigers had not highlighted this in the past because they were ashamed of being taken in by the “LTTE fighting still” charade played out in the east. They were however extremely resentful of Ram &co for this. Now there is a sense of jubilation within overseas tiger ranks. The very same ex-tigers who cooperated with Sri Lankan intelligence are now being arrested and detained by the Sri Lankan Police! The overseas tigers are gloating over the so called “tiger traitors” being in hot water now.

The current situation in which those who cooperated with the state are also being arrested gives rise to the impression that there is a lack of coordination or pooling of resources among various law enforcement and intelligence organs of the state. When the Theiveegan – Gopi – Appan led attempt to revive the LTTE took place in early 2014 , the state machinery rose to the occasion by joining forces and acting unitedly as a team. The Police, Army and Intelligence agencies co-operated together in a multi –disciplinary exercise to crush the LTTE revival attempt.

Unfortunately that spirit of unity and bonhomie seems to be absent at this point of time. The arrest of high ranking military intelligence officials over the Prageeth Eknaligoda disappearance has resulted in a deterioration of relations between these state agencies. Paranoia about some key operatives supplying information to the Mahinda Rajapaksa –led opposition has compounded the situation further. More importantly there is no one at the helm in the Defence ministry like former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa now. Whatever his detractors may say about him, there is no denying that Gota got all branches of the defence establishment to work together efficiently if and when challenges were posed to national security.

Thus no one in authority has been clearly explaining the actual reasons behind the arrests and/or the gravity of the threat posed by a potential LTTE revival attempt. Since the TID seems to be in sole charge it is up to the Police to clarify matters but even the Police media unit has now been suspended and official spokesperson reprimanded. There have been no official statements categorically confirming or denying an alleged LTTE revival attempt.Vague assurances have been given by the current Defence secretary but they seem neither effective nor definitive. Meanwhile opposition leaders notably the articulate Prof. G.L .Peiris have been going to town about the major danger of an alleged LTTE revival.

The official Police Spokesperson ASP Ruwan Gunasekera has been suspended and the Police media unit according to the new IGP is being re-structured. It appears that the Police spokesman has exceeded his brief in divulging information to the media.Several newspapers have quoted him and published news stories of a sensational nature about the arrested ex – eastern tiger leaders. The Police according to its spokesperson has only now discovered that the top ex-LTTE eastern leaders have been military intelligence “informants”. He has also revealed that they had not undergone the mandatory period of rehabilitation. Now all these “new” discoveries by the TID and public revelations by the spokesperson would have been rendered unnecessary and irrelevant had the Military Intelligence been consulted. Instead of resorting to the easier and convenient mode of drawing on available information the Police seems to be going it alone and sensationalising gleaned information in a manner that may possibly affect whatever has been achieved by the intelligence officials through the ex -tigers in the past. Furthermore instread of resorting to shock methods to arrest the ex-tigers the Military intelligence could have been assigned the task of communicating with the ex -LTTE eastern leaders using their established links.Thus a climate of panic and confusion prevails due to the solo operational style of the TID which does not seem to posses the necessary “intelligence” to differentiate between hostile elements and friendly sources.

Sole Silver Lining In This Dark Cloud

The sole silver lining – if one may call it so – in this dark cloud of doubtful uncertainty has been the explicit statement of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Addressing a gathering at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute for International Relations and Strategic Studies (LKIIRSS) on Tuesday May 3rd Premier Wickremesinghe said that he sought clarification from the police and the DMI in the wake of recent media reports in respect of resurgence of LTTE activity. Newspaper reports further stated that Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has received assurances from both the police and the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had been wiped out and therefore there was absolutely no likelihood of the group staging a comeback.

| Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe ~ At Lakshman Kadirgmar Institute for International Relations and Strategic Studies (LKIIRSS) on Tuesday May 3 |

One does not know whether the Prime Minister has been correctly quoted in the newspaper reports but assuming that he has indeed been correctly quoted there are two points that need to be emphasised here. The first is that the LTTE has indeed been militarily wiped out in Sri Lanka but the overseas tiger branches described derisively as the “rump” are not destroyed yet. Secondly the overseas tigers are capable of fomenting violence in a bid to revive the LTTE in Sri Lanka. It is important to distinguish clearly between a revival and a revival attempt.

A full scale revival of the LTTE and a return to the past where the tigers were a formidable force is virtually impossible in the present situation. There could however be no guarantee that attempts would not be made to revive the LTTE despite those efforts proving unsuccessful. Since tiger elements in the Diaspora would continuously finance such attempts such dangers are always there. There is a need therefore for constant vigilance. There is little room for complacency in matters like these.

This article written for the “DBS Jeyaraj Column” appears in the “Daily Mirror” of May 7, 2016, it can be reached via this link:

http://www.dailymirror.lk/dbs-jeyaraj-column

DBS Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com