Breaking down Tamil Nadu’s vote-share-2016 Elelctions

Breaking down Tamil Nadu’s vote-share: Who gained, who lost and what it means

Every vote counted.

http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/breaking-down-tamil-nadus-vote-share-who-gained-who-lost-and-what-it-means-43561

Anna Isaac| Ramanathan S.| Friday, May 20, 2016 - 16:59

While the big story out of the TN polls was a comfortable victory for Jayalalithaa with 134 seats, 36 more than the DMK alliance, the vote-shares of the different parties narrate several small and yet interesting stories.

A direct comparison of vote-shares of the parties in 2011 and in 2016 shows that both the AIADMK and DMK have gained, while all other parties except the PMK have taken a significant hit.

AIADMK has increased its individual vote-share by 2.4% since 2011, from 38.4% to 40.8%.

DMK has increased its individual vote-share by 9.2% since 2011, from 22.39% to 31.6%.

PMK has managed to retain its vote share a bit more than 5%.

DMDK’s vote share has fallen from an impressive 7.8% in 2011 to an embarrassing 2.4%.

Other parties like the Left and VCK have also seen a dip in their already paltry vote share.

The BJP has seen its share increase from 2.2% to 2.8%, which is now being claimed to be a victory by the party.

But this is just a simple reading of the vote-shares. The alliance arithmetic was very different in 2016 compared to 2011.

AIADMK likely to have lost vote-share

In 2011, AIADMK, Left and DMDK were in an alliance, and the anti-DMK, pro-Jayalalithaa wave helped AIADMK’s allies significantly. The dip in vote-share for DMDK and the Left from 2011 to 2016 is proof of the largely accepted fact that the DMDK and Left benefitted from the AIADMK in 2011 – and much of their vote-share in 2011 actually belonged to the AIADMK.

One point emerging from this is that the real vote-share of AIADMK in 2011 was not just 38.4% - much of the DMDK’s 7.8%, the Left’s 4.4% in 2011 actually belonged to Jayalalithaa. Apart from the table above, AIADMK alliance's vote share in 2011 including MMK, PT and AIFB is 51.8%. Going by the fact that there was a bit of perceived anti-incumbency against Jayalalithaa, and that she notched up 44% votes in 2014 General polls, it would not be too wrong to say that the AIADMK has in fact lost some vote-share in 2016 compared to 2011.

DMK has made significant gains

The DMK and MK Stalin have come to receive much criticism for not being able to defeat the AIADMK in spite of some anti-incumbency. The truth though is that going by vote-share, they have put up a good performance.

In 2011, the vote-share of the DMK and Congress put together was 31.6%, and in 2016 their combined vote-share is 38%. With other allies like IUML, MMK and PT in tow, the DMK alliance notched up 39.7% of the votes in 2016, which is by no means a failure. Take a bow, MK Stalin.

Analysts have further pointed out that the poor performance of allies have pulled down the overall performance of the DMK alliance, and that is evident from the ‘contested vote-shares’ of the individual parties, as pointed out here.

Anti-incumbency against Jayalalithaa

Interestingly, the analysis in The Hindu also shows that the ‘contested vote-shares’ of the DMK and AIADMK – which is the votes they polled in the seats they contested in alone – stood at 41.05% in 176 seats and 40.78% in 232 seats respectively. While this does point to a dwindling vote-share of the AIADMK as already pointed out, it also does point to an anti-incumbency, but clearly not enough to tip the scales in favour of DMK. AIADMK notching up more than 40% votes in 232 seats does not point to a significant anger against the party as journalists were presenting based on anecdotal evidence before the polls.

Vijayakant and allies: Neither kings nor kingmakers, but paupers

What the 2016 polls have done is help take off DMDK Vijaykant’s mask of grandeur. Far from his 7.8% vote-share in 2011, when he benefitted from an alliance with the AIADMK, he polled just about 2.4%, even with the combined campaigning might of Vaiko, Left parties and VCK. The DMDK now stands to lose its status as a state party since it has neither won 3 seats nor 3% of the votes.

CPI and CPI(M) have been reduced to 0.8% and 0.7% respectively, and VCK is down to 0.8% too.  Tamil Manila Congress led by GK Vasan polled a negligible 0.5%.

The MDMK, which boycotted the 2011 polls, also saw the number of votes polled plummet to 0.9% as compared to 6 per cent in the 2006 assembly elections.      

But when every rupee counts, paupers can help

But that the PWF-DMDK-TMC won no seats and were individually reduced to paltry vote-shares does not mean they were not important to these elections.

The margin of vote-shares between AIADMK and DMK+ is just 1.1%, and the third front with all its parties combined notched up 5.1%. This has no doubt harmed the DMK by helping divide the votes in favour of AIADMK.

BJP’s marginal gains

Even though the BJP won no seats, TN BJP chief Tamilisai Soundararajan has patted the state unit on the back for increasing their vote share. The BJP’s share went up by 0.6%, they got 2.2% having contested in 204 seats in 2011, and 2.8% after contesting in 134 seats in 2016. The BJP has also made gains in some urban seats.

PMK holds on to its vote-share by increasing contested seats

The PMK which contested in all seats, after piggybacking on the Dravidian parties, drew a blank with CM candidate Anbumani Ramadoss also defeated at Pennagaram. Its vote-share remains stagnant at around 5.3%, but it is to be noted that they contested in only 30 seats in 2011, but all 234 seats in 2016.

Now, watch a fun video on how the next 5 years is going to be.

Police TID Arrests 4 Top Eastern Ex-Tiger Leaders

Police TID Arrests 4 Top Eastern Ex-Tiger Leaders Who Worked With Military Intelligence After War Ended13 May 2016, 1:11 am
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
http://dbsjeyaraj.com/dbsj/archives/46532#

A widespread security crackdown has been underway in the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. Over 20 former members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)organization have been reportedly taken into custody over the past weeks in a staggered security operation spearheaded by the Terrorism Investigation Department (TID)of the Police.Almost all of the ex-LTTE cadres are being detained under provisions of the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). They are being reportedly interrogated by TID officials at Jaffna, Vavuniya, Boosa and Colombo.



Many of the arrested ex-tigers were persons who had surrendered after the war ended in May 2009. They had been detained for a period of time and later released after being put through a rehabilitation process. Some of the ex –tigers currently arrested are reportedly persons who have not gone through the process of rehabilitation. They had apparently not surrendered after the war and had evaded capture in the past. While close upon 12,000 former LTTE members who surrendered have been released after rehabilitation , it is also estimated that about 4,000 ex-tigers who did not surrender continue to remain in Sri Lanka. There are also large numbers of former LTTE members who have fled Sri Lanka after May 2009. These include both rehabilitated and non – rehabilitated ex-tiger cadre.

Among those arrested so far are four senior ex-tiger leaders. All four of them had at one time held powerful positions within the LTTE command structure in the Eastern province after the Eastern revolt and breakaway of former LTTE eastern commander Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias “Col”Karuna in 2004. They are Ethirmannasingham Harichandran alias “Col” Ram, Kanapathipillai Sivamoorthy alias “Lt.Col” Nagulan, Ganeshapillai Arivazhaghan alias “Lt. Col”Kalaiarasan and Krishnapillai Kalainesan alias “Lt. Col” Praba. Three of the four were arrested in the Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Amparai districts respectively while the fourth was taken into custody in the Jaffna district.

Four Senior Ex –LTTE Eastern Leaders


Ethirmannasingham Harichandran alias Ram

The first of the four senior ex-LTTE eastern leaders to be arrested was Harichandran alias Ram in Amparai district on April 24th 2016. “Col”Ram had earlier been the LTTE Military commander of the LTTE for Amparai and Batticaloa districts. Ram who joined the LTTE in 1984 had lost his wife and two children during the war in the northern mainland known as the Wanni. After the war he had married again and was engaged in paddy cultivation in the area of Thambiluvil . Harichandran hails from Thirukkovil in the Amparai district. He had been returning home from the paddy fields when he was seized and bundled into a blue jeep and taken away by some “unknown”persons. After his wife raised the alarm it was officially announced that Ram had been arrested by the TID for inquiries.

The second senior eastern tiger leader to be arrested was Ganeshapillai Arivazhaghan alias “Lt. Col” Kalaiarasan on April 25th 2016. Kalaiarasan who was earlier known by the nom de guerre “Kamal” had been the LTTE intelligence chief for Trincomalee district when the war ended. Kalaiarasan a native of Aalankerni in the Kinniya area of Trincomalee was now married and living in the Trincomalee town area. He was engaged in dairy farming and breeding cattle after the war concluded.

Earlier a team of TID officials in civilian garb went in search of Kalaiarasan to his home on Channel street after nightfall. The ex –LTTE intelligence wing chief got perturbed and ran away fearing the worst. After hiding elsewhere until daybreak. Afterwards Kalaiarasan tried to seek protection at the Human Rights Commission regional office in Trincomalee in the morning. He was accompanied by his wife Sithara. TID officials identified themselves and took him into custody outside the Trinco Human rights office premises . Sithara was told not to make a fuss about the arrest and was assured that her husband would be sent home in five days. Arivazhaghan alias Kalaiarasan a.k.a. Kamal who was arrested on April 25th has still not been released.


Kanapathipillai Sivamoorthy alias “Lt. Col” Nagulan

The third senior ex – LTTE leader to be arrested was Kanapathipillai Sivamoorthy alias “Lt. Col” Nagulan on April 26th 2016. Nagulan who joined the movement in 1989 had served as the special commander of the LTTE’s Charles Anthony infantry brigade. He had later functioned under “Col” Ram as the deputy military commander of the LTTE in Amparai and Batticaloa districts. Though Nagulan had been stationed in the Eastern province for many years he was actually from the North.Sivamoorthy alias Nagulan hailed from Neervaeli in the Jaffna peninsula.

After the war, Sivamoorthy got married and was engaged in growing plantain trees and the sale of Plantains. Neervaely is reputed for its plantains and yams.His wife who was a teacher in Paranthan hads recently completed a teachers training course in Jaffna. A team of TID officials had gone to Nagulan’s house in Neervaeli and asked him to come along with them for an inquiry. The officers had also asked Nagulan’s father to accompany them saying they would let both go off after they answered a few questions.Upon reaching Jaffna town the officers had sent Nagulan’s father back , telling him that the son too would be set free in a few hours. Sivamoorthy alias Nagulan is still under arrest.

The fourth ex –LTTE senior eastern leader to be arrested was Krishnapillai Kalainesan alias “Lt. Col” Praba on May 2nd 2016. Kalainesan alias “Praba” had been the LTTE intelligence chief for Batticaloa and Amparai districts at the time of the war ending in May 2009. Praba a native of Santhiveli in Batticaloa district had married a woman named Kayalvizhi from Naavatkudah in Batticaloa and was residing there. They have two children.After engaging in a Palmyra leaf weaving project for a while, the Kalainesan – Kayalvizhi couple had obtained a contract to run the canteen at the Technical College located at Manchanthoduvaai in Batticaloa.


Krishnapillai Kalainesan alias “Lt. Col” Praba

A team of TID officers went to Kalainesan alias Praba’s residence at Naavatkudaah early morning on Monday May 2nd. He was first taken to the Police station at Kaattankudi. The officers then told Praba’s wife Kayalvizhi that they were taking him to the Human Rights Commission regional office at Kalmunai. Her husband would be released after a statement was recorded the wife was told. Thereafter the officials went south via the Kalmunai road. Later on it transpired that Kalainesan alias Praba had been taken to the TID headquarters in Colombo.

Detection Of Mini-Arsenal In Maravanpulavu
As is well known now the current spree of arrests was triggered off by the detection of a mini-arsenal at a house on Pillaiyar street in Maravanpulavu in the Thenmaratchy sector of Jaffna district on March 29th 2016. Among the items detected were a suicide jacket, four claymore mines, three parcels containing about 12 kilos of TNT explosives, two battery packs as well as some 9mm ammunition. The cache had been brought from Iluppaikkadavai in Mannar district to Jaffna by the chief occupant in the house named Edward Julian also known as Ramesh. 32 year old Edward Julian – a native of Murunkan in Mannar district- was a former LTTE member who had neither surrendered nor been rehabilitated after the war ended. He drove a truck and was involved in transporting and selling fish as a business. Edward Julian alias Ramesh was arrested on March 30th 2016 at a road block between Jeyapuram and Akkarayankulam in the Kilinochchi district.

The TID thereafter took over and Edward Julian was brought to Colombo. It was after this development that the current spate of arrests commenced. A number of Edward Julian’s acquaintances traced through his cellular telephone were targeted. Initially five persons traced via Julian’s phone were arrested in Vavuniya and Mannar districts. These were followed by more arrests all over the Northern province. Almost all of those arrested were ex-LTTE members.Some had never been rehabilitated earlier. Others were surrendees who were now leading normal civilian life after being rehabilitated.

Interestingly the current security exercise seems to be more or less a solo exercise by the Police Terrorism Investigation Department (TID) No other state agency seems to be involved or is even being consulted, it appears. Newspaper reports have made it clear that the current security operation is being directed and supervised by Senior Spdt of Police (SSP) Nalaka de Silva the TID director himself. Without any unnecessary publicity or fanfare ,the TID seems determined to delve into matters concerning the Maravanpulavu arms cache detection.

The detection of comparative small quantities of arms and ammunition in various parts of the North and East have been a recurring phenomenon during the past years. Apparently the LTTE has collectively and tighers individually have dumped or concealed arms , ammunition and explosives in various locations at various times. Some of these have been discovered or detected on different occasions in recent years. It appears that the arms cache in question had been earlier stored at Iluppaikkadavai in 2008. It is surmised that this could have been done when the tigers were gradually retreating in the face of the advancing 58 division commanded by Shavendra Silva at that point of time. What is troubling however is the question that arose out of the detection. Why was this cache transported after all these years from Mannar district to Jaffna district and kept in Maravanpulavu at this juncture?

On that basis it was suspected that an attack or assassination in Jaffna was being plotted. While the LTTE had been militarily defeated at Mullivaaikkaal in May 2009, the overseas structures of the LTTE were unaffected. Some of the LTTE elements abroad have been trying to bring about a tiger revival in the Island and cause violence. There have been three blatant attempts to bring about a LTTE renaissance in the past. Fortunately all three attempts were nipped in the bud. Was a fourth attempt being enacted now?


The overseas tigers were not going to risk anything. What they were doing was to instigate and encourage others in India or Sri Lanka to engage in such revival attempts. The Diaspora tigers would simply finance them. Since very large numbers of ex – LTTE cadre were in dire financial need in Sri Lanka , the overseas tigers could use cash as an incentive to motivate them into resuming violence. An attempted revival of the LTTE does not mean a return of the LTTE with all its conventional military units,heavy artillery, naval flotilla or fledgling air wing! A revival attempt in the current context could only mean one or two acts of destructive violence. An assassination or explosion would suffice. This would be enough to stridently trumpet that the tigers are back, disrupt normalcy in the North – east and embark upon a fund raising campaign in the West.

Tiger Revival Attempt In The Island
It is with this objective that tiger elements abroad are funding and fomenting a tiger revival attempt in the Island. The most fertile ground to attract followers to this cause is amidst the hearts and minds of former tiger cadres now struggling to get on with life in the North and east. Just as the overseas tigers target former LTTE cadres as potential recruits to engage in violence , the law enforcement officials in Sri Lanka also view the ex-tigers as potential suspects in exercises of this type. Just as cops round up convicted criminals of the area as the usual suspects whenever a crime occurs in the vicinity , the law enforcement officers also target ex –LTTE cadres if and when a LTTE revival attempt is suspected. Thus the detection of arms at Maravampulavu has resulted in a series of ex –LTTE cadre arrests.Since the original suspect Julian alias Ramesh was an unrehabiliated ex –LTTE cadre himself , the subsequent arrests of ex –tigers became inevitable and have a certain amount of credence.

Primarily Focusing on ex –LTTE acquaintances and contacts of Edward Julian, the TID took into custody around 20 persons in the North.Soon the arresting spree spilled over into the Eastern province too. The arrests in the East however caused drastic shock waves. This was because those being arrested in the East were senior Tigers who had been high profile eastern LTTE leaders at one time. Even Nagulan a native of Neervaeli arrested in the north was for practical purposes an easterner having been resident in the “Kizhakku”(east) for many many years. Why were they being arrested now ? was the perplexing question.

It appeared to most people aware of post – war developments that something was amiss somewhere. While acknowledging the fact that law enforcement authorities have the right to arrest people on suspicion through proper procedure in the interests of national security, there also began to emerge doubts as to whether those responsible for the on- going arrests were fully cognizant with the past track record of those being arrested, particularly the ex –LTTE eastern leaders. These doubts were further enhanced by news reports citing Police sources. Some news reports attributed to Police sources stated that the arrested eastern ex – tigers had not undergone full rehabilitation and had also been army intelligence informants .Such reports demonstrated clearly that the officials behind the arrests of the Eastern ex –LTTE cadres were woefully unaware of the remarkable roles played by Ram, Nagulan, Kalaiarasan and Praba in the aftermath of the war. All four had been involved in a counter –intelligence operation that the Sri Lankan state and its agencies could be proud of.

What happened then was this. When the LTTE was defeated and its supremo Veluppillai Prabhakaran killed in May 2009, a contingent of LTTE cadres were still “free and fighting” in the Amparai district jungles of Kanjikudichchaaru and Kaanjirankudaah. They were led by the LTTE Amparai-Batticaloa military commander “Col” Ram and deputy military commander “Lt.Col”Nagulan. When LTTE leader Prabhakaran made plans to break through the military cordon encircling Mullivaaikkaal and escape, one of the alternative destinations he had in mind was the Kanjikudichaaru jungles. This however was not to be and Prabhakaran was killed.

After the military debacle in the north the armed forces and Police Special Task Force (STF) began increasing pressure on the LTTE cadres in Amparai district. So Ram, Nagulan and other LTTE fighters then moved further north to the Kudumbimalai/Thoppigala area jungles. With constant military pressure being exerted, both Ram and Nagulan dispersed the cadres and moved to Vellaveli in the “Paduvaankarai” (shore of the setting sun)region and went into hiding. Meanwhile appeals were sent out by both to the overseas tiger branches that they had not surrendered and that the LTTE in the east required further assistance to continue the armed struggle.

The LTTE’s Batticaloa –Amparai intelligence chief Lt. Col Praba was in the Wanni during the final stages of the war. He left the Puthukkudiyiruppu-Mullivaaikkaal region in April and relocated to the Nedunkerny area jungles with some tiger cadres before the LTTE was defeated totally. Praba then moved to a safe house on the outskirts of Vavuniya town.Praba’s Trincomalee district counterpart Arivazhaghan alias Kalaiarasan was at that time holed up in the Kiliveddi area jungles of Trincomalee district. The Batticaloa-Amparai LTTE intelligence chief Praba was in touch clandestinely with Trincomalee LTTE intelligence chief Kalaiarasan on the one hand and the Ram – Nagulan duo on the other.

Counter-Intelligence Feat In Three Stages

It was at this point of time that Sri Lanka’s intelligence officials executed a brilliant counter – intelligence feat phased out in three stages. In the first phase an LTTE cadre of mixed Sinhala-Tamil parentage whose name begins with a “T” was utilised to establish links with Trinco tiger intelligence chief Kalaiarasan and “turn” him. In the second phase Kalaiarasan was used to entrap Praba in Vavuniya and consequently win him over. In the third phase Praba was deployed cleverly to inveigle and apprehend Ram and Nagulan in Vellavely. Despite having four senior Eastern LTTE leaders in their grasp, the Sri Lankan intelligence personnel did not publicise the fact. Instead they commenced an unorthodox covert operation.

An impression was created that Ram, Nagulan, Praba, Kalaiarasan and some other eastern LTTE cadres were functioning independently and still continuing with the armed struggle for Tamil Eelam. Ram established contact with overseas LTTE branches and sought financial and arms assistance. A great deal of money was reportedly sent from abroad, though exact details are unavailable. Ram also issued statements and even sent a letter supportive of Selvarasah Pathmanathan alias “KP” during the overseas LTTE leadership tussle with Perinbarasa Sivaparan alias “Nediyavan”. It was during this time that Dayamohan the LTTE political commissar for Amparai –Batticaloa made his way to Malaysia and from there to Switzerland.

One of the subterfuges adopted by Sri Lankan intelligence officials to propagate the “LTTE Fighting on in the East”myth was the creation of “counterfeit” tiger camps in the jungle. Some Indian and Pakistani journalists were allowed to visit these camps and interview Col Ram and Lt. Col Nagulan. These interview/articles were published with pride as praiseworthy scoops. It was said that Tigers were yet actively fighting in the East.One of the Indian magazines so deceived was the Tamil bi-weekly “Nakkeeran” which describes itself as a premier investigative journal. The height of deception was the exclusive article appearing in a prestigious UK publication. The writer was a top – notch British journalist from the Aristocratic upper crust of English society married to the daughter of a Duke.

The illusion of tigers continuing the struggle in the east helped Intelligence officials utilise Ram &Co as instruments to establish and maintain contacts with the LTTE overseas structure and its covert supporters elsewhere for a while. This helped the Sri Lankan state to garner extensive information of overseas tigers and identify key operatives. It was however too good to last and gradually suspicion began growing from September 2009 amidst Tiger elements in the Diaspora as to whether Ram was really independent or not.

The drama was brought to an end by November 2009. News reports in Sri Lanka quoting security sources said that Ram had escaped from the Minneriya security camp on Nov 5th. A second news report stated that he had been recaptured on Nov 10th.Ram himself communicated with tigers abroad and said that the news reports were wrong and that he was yet free.A special message on behalf of “Col” Ram was issued on November 27th the “Maaveerar Naal” or “Great Heroes Day”.There were however few takers for this stunt. By the end of November it became clear that the deceptive counter-intelligence exercise had outlived its usefulness. The illusion of LTTE fighting in the East was allowed to fizzle out gradually.

The top Eastern tigers including Ram, Nagulan, Praba and Kalaiarasan were kept under protective custody for a few more years at different locations. Officials interacting with the detained tiger leaders finally arrived at the conclusion that the ex-tigers had indeed turned over a new leaf. Having ascertained that they would lead normal lives if and when released, it was decided to release them. Finally in 2013 they had to undergo a process of rehabilitation for a 45 day period in July – August. It was felt that given the extensive cooperation rendered by the ex –tiger leaders there was no need for them to undergo the mandatory One year period of rehabilitation. They were then released individually to their respective families in August 2013.

After being released the ex- eastern tiger leaders like many of their rehabilitated comrades picked up the pieces of their life and resumed living. Ram who had lost his wife and children re-married and engaged in his family tradition of agriculture in Thirukkovil – Thambiluvil.. Praba resumed family life again with his wife and two daughters. After struggling financially for a while their prospects became brighter after securing a contract to run the canteen at Manchanthoduvaai Technical College. Kalaiarasan entered wedlock , re-located to Trinco town and began raising cattle for a dairy business. Nagulan left the East and returned home to Neervaeli in the North. He married a school teacher and began growing plantain trees and also transporting and selling Bananas wholesale.

All their lives have now been shattered. It was well known in the community that the four ex-tiger leaders had been in custody and had cooperated with military intelligence officials. It was also understood that they like many other former LTTE members were trying to resume and lead normal lives. Contrary to Diaspora tiger expectations,there are very few among the people of the North and East who believe a revival of the LTTE on a major scale is possible. Despite attempts by tiger elements in the Diaspora, the people living in Sri Lanka have evinced no desire whatsoever to encourage a recurrence of political violence. Thus the community at large did not perceive any threat or danger from the ex –tiger leaders .However, as is typical , there existed a certain amount of reserve on the part of the people in interacting with the ex-tiger leaders.


Fears of “White Van” under “Yahapalanaya”

Revived Fears Of “White Van Culture”

The mode and scale of arrests have raised much concern among family members. Many of them were not informed about the reasons for their arrests. Instead they were simply “abducted” by officers in civil dress and taken away in vehicles. This modus operandi revived fears that the “white Van “culture prevalent in the Rajapaksa regime had re- commenced under the “Yahapalanaya” regime of President Sirisena too.

The other disturbing factor was that of several rehabilitated ex-tigers being arrested again. This was particularly so in the case of arrested ex-tiger eastern leaders.Several close relatives kept repeating to Tamil media personnel that the arrested persons had been rehabilitated. They had been released as free persons after rehabilitation. So why are they being arrested again now? Was the question that troubled them.

While understanding the fear and anxiety of family members in this matter there is one important fact has to be made clear. The rehabilitation and release of former LTTE cadres provides a clean chit only for their past activities. The rehabilitated ex-tiger will not be penalised or held responsible for any old act of omission or commission during the time he or she was active in the LTTE. This however does not grant immunity from being interrogated, arrested or punished for any new illegal act or crime allegedly committed after being released. If one was suspected of participating in any exercise to engage in violence or revive the LTTE then that person would have to be probed by law enforcement officers. An investigation could result in the arrested person being released if found innocent. Rehabilitation does not provide blanket immunity or exemption from arrest.

Another effect of the arrests of four eastern ex-tiger leaders is the elation it has caused among tiger circles in the global Tamil Diaspora. It was well-known that Ram, Nagulan and the others had cooperated with the Sri Lankan authorities after the war ended. Several top rung functionaries among overseas tigers had been deceived by the counter –intelligence drama enacted by Sri Lankan officials in which Ram and Nagulan and others played key roles. The overseas tigers had not highlighted this in the past because they were ashamed of being taken in by the “LTTE fighting still” charade played out in the east. They were however extremely resentful of Ram &co for this. Now there is a sense of jubilation within overseas tiger ranks. The very same ex-tigers who cooperated with Sri Lankan intelligence are now being arrested and detained by the Sri Lankan Police! The overseas tigers are gloating over the so called “tiger traitors” being in hot water now.

The current situation in which those who cooperated with the state are also being arrested gives rise to the impression that there is a lack of coordination or pooling of resources among various law enforcement and intelligence organs of the state. When the Theiveegan – Gopi – Appan led attempt to revive the LTTE took place in early 2014 , the state machinery rose to the occasion by joining forces and acting unitedly as a team. The Police, Army and Intelligence agencies co-operated together in a multi –disciplinary exercise to crush the LTTE revival attempt.

Unfortunately that spirit of unity and bonhomie seems to be absent at this point of time. The arrest of high ranking military intelligence officials over the Prageeth Eknaligoda disappearance has resulted in a deterioration of relations between these state agencies. Paranoia about some key operatives supplying information to the Mahinda Rajapaksa –led opposition has compounded the situation further. More importantly there is no one at the helm in the Defence ministry like former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa now. Whatever his detractors may say about him, there is no denying that Gota got all branches of the defence establishment to work together efficiently if and when challenges were posed to national security.

Thus no one in authority has been clearly explaining the actual reasons behind the arrests and/or the gravity of the threat posed by a potential LTTE revival attempt. Since the TID seems to be in sole charge it is up to the Police to clarify matters but even the Police media unit has now been suspended and official spokesperson reprimanded. There have been no official statements categorically confirming or denying an alleged LTTE revival attempt.Vague assurances have been given by the current Defence secretary but they seem neither effective nor definitive. Meanwhile opposition leaders notably the articulate Prof. G.L .Peiris have been going to town about the major danger of an alleged LTTE revival.

The official Police Spokesperson ASP Ruwan Gunasekera has been suspended and the Police media unit according to the new IGP is being re-structured. It appears that the Police spokesman has exceeded his brief in divulging information to the media.Several newspapers have quoted him and published news stories of a sensational nature about the arrested ex – eastern tiger leaders. The Police according to its spokesperson has only now discovered that the top ex-LTTE eastern leaders have been military intelligence “informants”. He has also revealed that they had not undergone the mandatory period of rehabilitation. Now all these “new” discoveries by the TID and public revelations by the spokesperson would have been rendered unnecessary and irrelevant had the Military Intelligence been consulted. Instead of resorting to the easier and convenient mode of drawing on available information the Police seems to be going it alone and sensationalising gleaned information in a manner that may possibly affect whatever has been achieved by the intelligence officials through the ex -tigers in the past. Furthermore instread of resorting to shock methods to arrest the ex-tigers the Military intelligence could have been assigned the task of communicating with the ex -LTTE eastern leaders using their established links.Thus a climate of panic and confusion prevails due to the solo operational style of the TID which does not seem to posses the necessary “intelligence” to differentiate between hostile elements and friendly sources.

Sole Silver Lining In This Dark Cloud

The sole silver lining – if one may call it so – in this dark cloud of doubtful uncertainty has been the explicit statement of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Addressing a gathering at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute for International Relations and Strategic Studies (LKIIRSS) on Tuesday May 3rd Premier Wickremesinghe said that he sought clarification from the police and the DMI in the wake of recent media reports in respect of resurgence of LTTE activity. Newspaper reports further stated that Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has received assurances from both the police and the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had been wiped out and therefore there was absolutely no likelihood of the group staging a comeback.

| Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe ~ At Lakshman Kadirgmar Institute for International Relations and Strategic Studies (LKIIRSS) on Tuesday May 3 |

One does not know whether the Prime Minister has been correctly quoted in the newspaper reports but assuming that he has indeed been correctly quoted there are two points that need to be emphasised here. The first is that the LTTE has indeed been militarily wiped out in Sri Lanka but the overseas tiger branches described derisively as the “rump” are not destroyed yet. Secondly the overseas tigers are capable of fomenting violence in a bid to revive the LTTE in Sri Lanka. It is important to distinguish clearly between a revival and a revival attempt.

A full scale revival of the LTTE and a return to the past where the tigers were a formidable force is virtually impossible in the present situation. There could however be no guarantee that attempts would not be made to revive the LTTE despite those efforts proving unsuccessful. Since tiger elements in the Diaspora would continuously finance such attempts such dangers are always there. There is a need therefore for constant vigilance. There is little room for complacency in matters like these.

This article written for the “DBS Jeyaraj Column” appears in the “Daily Mirror” of May 7, 2016, it can be reached via this link:

http://www.dailymirror.lk/dbs-jeyaraj-column

DBS Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com

Dravidian Chronicles

Dravidian Chronicles

1989: The election that ended the succession battle between MGR’s heroines-
The battle to take control over the AIADMK party commenced no sooner than December 24, 1987 – the day MGR died.

Anna Isaac| Tuesday, May 10, 2016 - 17:06




The News Minute brings you the Dravidian Chronicles, a collection of narratives on the margins of the 2016 election spotlight. Here we chronicle smaller, subtler shifts that catalyse and metamorphose the grand narratives of the electoral juggernaut.

“History will judge a man by his heirs,” goes a loosely-translated Thirukurral couplet. So too, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MG Ramachandran will be remembered, not just for his list of achievements, but also for not anointing a political successor until his death.

The battle to take control over the AIADMK party commenced no sooner than December 24, 1987 – the day MGR died. The party was split into two factions – one set pledged loyalty to MGR’s legal wife, Janaki and the other to his leading lady in 28 films, Jayalalithaa.

For Janaki, who had given up acting after marriage, becoming her husband’s successor was more personal than political. “She had a score to settle with Jayalalithaa,” says TN Gopalan, a veteran journalist. She succumbed to the pressures of senior leaders like RM Veerappan, who wanted to keep Jaylalaithaa out at any cost. Many still vividly remember the image of Jayalalitha being pushed and abused by party leaders like KP Ramalingam from atop the gun carriage carrying MGR’s body during his funeral procession.



Jayalalithaa, on the other hand, who had been hand-picked by MGR and initiated into the party in 1982, had been waiting in the wings to take over the AIADMK. “One of the main reasons MGR brought Jayalalithaa into the party then, was because there had been no one else who was popular and could win voters over,” Gopalan points out. And while MGR had groomed Jayalalithaa, he stopped short of announcing her as his political heir. Gopalan cites a conversation he had with a source close to the AIADMK leader, who stated, “MGR did not want to name Jayalalithaa as his heir. He did not want the party to survive.”

Two weeks after her husband’s death, Janaki was sworn in as Tamil Nadu’s first woman Chief Minister, with her faction producing 97 MLAs out of AIADMK’s 132 before the Governor. In his book ‘Tales of Old and New Madras: The Dalliance of Miss Mansel and 37 other stories of 375 years’, historian S. Muthiah writes, “It was the first instance of wife succeeding husband to this office in India, but the Governor made the appointment conditional on her proving within 21 days her claim of ‘enjoying the support of the majority of members of the legislature. ‘”

But Janaki Ramachandran’s government was short-lived, lasting 22 days. On the day of the vote of confidence, pandemonium broke out at the state Assembly. Two days later, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi dismissed her government, invoking Article 356 of the Constitution. The state was under President’s Rule for over a year before elections were held in January 1989.

Although the DMK went onto sweep the polls, 1989 is still remembered for settling the succession battle of the AIADMK. With MGR’s heroines claiming their right to his legacy, the campaigning befitted the occasion. Old movie posters featuring the late matinee idol and a young Jayalalithaa were spruced up and pasted across towns. Although MGR’s fan clubs were torn over whom to support, Janaki managed to win the support of another leading man in the film industry – Sivaji Ganesan, who had exited the Congress to start his own party.

But more than sparring over which faction deserved the AIADMK’s two leaves symbol (which the Election Commission ended up freezing), it was the way they positioned themselves vis-a-vis DMK chief Karunanidhi that set them apart. “Jayalalithaa grasped early on that the gravity of Tamil Nadu politics is anti-Karunanidhi,” notes R. Mani, a senior journalist. He points out that what cost Janaki the election was not only her lack of aggression but her outright praise of MGR’s arch-rival, Karunanidhi – something an average AIADMK voter is unable to stomach. By marking Karunanidhi as her political adversary, Jayalalithaa ended up with 27 seats against Janaki’s 2.

Ten days after the elections, MGR’s wife announced that she had “decided to quit politics and not hinder anyone.” The AIADMK was Jayalalithaa’s to take.

Also read:

How Biju Patnaik nearly pulled off a DMK and AIADMK merger

Indira Gandhi never forgave MGR for 1977

Dravidian Chronicles: TN’s first polls saw a jailed communist elected to the Madras Legislative Assembly

Dravidian Chronicles: MGR's first electoral victory was from a hospital bed

Dravidian Chronicles: 1984- The year Karunanidhi skipped an election

Dravidian Chronicles:

MGR's first electoral victory was from a hospital bed - It was the same year, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) swept to the power in the state for the first time, dislodging the Congress.
TNM Staff| Wednesday, April 20, 2016 - 16:04




The News Minute brings you the Dravidian Chronicles, a collection of narratives on the margins of the 2016 election spotlight. Here we chronicle smaller, subtler shifts that catalyse and metamorphose the grand narratives of the electoral juggernaut.

A stiff white cast swathed around his neck and finding support on the shoulders of a bare-bodied, wide-eyed man sitting on a hospital bed, his hands folded together in prayer and in humble appeal. It was an image that moved the masses. Actor-turned-politician Marudhur Gopalan Ramachandran, affectionately known as MGR, won his first election in 1967 from a hospital bed in Madras. It was the same year, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) swept to the power in the state for the first time, dislodging the Congress.




It was January 1967, a month before Madras State, as it was known then, headed to the polls. Actor MR Radha along with producer KK Vasu had gone over to MGR’s residence in Madras. There are several theories over what happens next. Actor and film historian Mohan Raman, who was 11-years-old at the time, remembers a blood-soaked Vasu turning up at his Llyods Road residence, just shortly after MGR had been shot. His father VP Raman, a public prosecutor at the time, had to excuse himself from the case to turn witness. Raman says the “officially acceptable version” is that Vasu and Radha had gone over to MGR’s following the poor box office collection of their film ‘Petralthan Pillaiya.’ Radha, who had starred alongside MGR in the 1967 film, wanted fresh money to reboot the losses of ‘Petralthan Pillaiya’. Raman says, MGR had reportedly dilly-dallied over the money and Radha eventually ran out of patience.

In their court testimony, MGR and the lone witness Vasu, narrated what happened in the former’s drawing room that fateful evening. MGR was shot by MR Radha in his left ear, reports The Hindu. Radha, then, turned the revolver upon himself, first shooting himself in the right temple and then the neck. Radha, however, spun a different story in court. After a heated argument, the matinee idol shot Radha, writes The Hindu. The actor, who had played the role of villain in a number of films, snatched the gun from MGR, and as a reflex shot him in return.

Both MGR and Radha had also fallen out for political reasons, notes Mohan Raman. While MR Radha was close to Congress’ former Chief Minister K Kamaraj, MGR was firmly rooted in the DMK. Both parties were in election campaign mode when the shooting took place. From his hospital bed, MGR campaigned for the St. Thomas Mount constituency in Madras. The DMK and the actor’s army of fans ensured that the iconic photograph of him recovering from his bullet wound was plastered across the state. In his first electoral triumph, MGR defeated his Congress rival by a margin of over 27,000 votes. His party, the DMK swept to power winning 137 seats, as the Congress ended its rule in Madras.

Dravidian Chronicles

How Biju Patnaik nearly pulled off a DMK and AIADMK merger 

It was September 1979. India was going through a politically uncertain period.
TNM Staff| Wednesday, April 20, 2016 - 15:00





The News Minute brings you the Dravidian Chronicles, a collection of narratives from the past on the margins of the 2016 election spotlight. Here we chronicle smaller, subtler shifts that catalyse and metamorphose the grand narratives of the electoral juggernaut.

The political landscape of Tamil Nadu may have been vastly different if former Union Minister Biju Patnaik’s master plan had succeeded. He had attempted what looks a distant dream now – the merger of the DMK and the AIADMK.

It was September 1979. India was going through a politically uncertain period. It had been two years since the Emergency. Charan Singh was caretaker Prime Minister, having had to resign after 24 days as Congress (I)’s Indira Gandhi withdrew support to his government. Just weeks earlier, India’s first non-Congress Prime Minister Morarji Desai was forced to resign after mass defections from his Janata Party coalition.

In Tamil Nadu, MG Ramachandran (MGR) was two years into his first term as Chief Minister. His party, the AIADMK had lent support to Charan Singh’s government. With India facing general elections once more, MGR was now in talks with Indira Gandhi. But when a scheduled meeting on September 6thbetween Indira Gandhi and MGR failed to materialise, Patnaik swooped in.

Biju Patnaik was a part of the Janata Party and had been a Union Minister of Steel for Morarji Desai and thereafter Charan Singh. 

The former Orissa Chief Minister shared a good rapport with DMK Chief M. Karunanidhi especially following DMK’s nation-wide movement for state autonomy vis-a-vis centre-state relations in the early 1970s. 

On September 12, 1979, Patnaik brought up the idea of merging the DMK and the AIADMK with Karunanidhi at his residence in Madras. When the DMK patriarch wondered whose suggestion it was, Patnaik explained that it was MGR who had wanted the merger and wanted to know Karunanidhi’s conditions.

Karunanidhi’s conditions included retaining DMK’s name and AIADMK’s flag which had Anna on it. He also proposed MGR continue as Chief Minister while Karunanidhi would be the president of the merged party. On hearing the conditions, Patnaik hugged the DMK chief, telling him that he thought he would put forth impossible terms.

The next day Patnaik arranged for a meeting between Karunanidhi and MGR at the Chepauk Guest House. While DMK General Secretary Prof. K Anbazhagan and AIADMK’s VR Nedunchezhian and Panruti Ramachandran were present at the Guest House, MGR and Karunanidhi had a one-on-one meeting in another room. Following the two sides agreeing to the conditions, the leaders decided to convene an emergency executive council meeting of their respective parties to pass resolutions on the merger.

The next day at a public meeting in Vellore, MGR made no mention of the merger. Instead, the DMK came under attack from MGR’s ministers. The proposal to merge the two parties was as good as dead.

More than 30 years after the secret meeting, the DMK Chief at an awards function in Chennai, said it was MGR’s Cabinet Minister Panruti Ramachandran who had played spoilsport. 

While the one-on-one with MGR was cordial, “he left for Vellore after the meeting. I do not know what happened in the car,” said Karunanidhi, but hinted that an ‘undesirable’ person who was with MGR may have turned him away. 

With that, the chapter of merging the Dravidian heavyweights had closed. For Patnaik, perhaps, it was a failed attempt to put a check on the rising Congress (I).

Indira Gandhi never forgave MGR for 1977

http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/indira-gandhi-never-forgave-mgr-1977-42511
Matinee idol and DMK’s star campaigner MG Ramachandran had broken away from the parent party, floating the ADMK in 1972

Sunday, May 1, 2016 - 16:01





The News Minute brings you the Dravidian Chronicles, a collection of narratives from the past on the margins of the 2016 election spotlight. Here we chronicle smaller, subtler shifts that catalyse and metamorphose the grand narratives of the electoral juggernaut.

Indian history remembers 1977 for being the year the Emergency was lifted. Fear had enveloped people across the country in the 21-month period. Democracy, as Morarji Desai succinctly put it, had been vasectomised. It was also the year the country’s first non-Congress government – the loosely knit Janata Party – was voted in to power.

The political landscape was shifting in states like Tamil Nadu as well. Matinee idol and DMK’s star campaigner MG Ramachandran had broken away from the parent party, floating the ADMK in 1972. There were whispers of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi engineering the split as the DMK and the Congress drifted apart. When Mrs. Gandhi declared a state of Emergency, the DMK condemned the imposition of Emergency and stridently opposed it. Several DMK leaders including Murasoli Maran, MK Stalin and Arcot Veerasamy were thrown into jail and allegedly beaten up.

While the DMK sheltered those from the resistance including leaders like George Fernandes and Subramaniam Swamy, arch-rival MGR and his fledgling ADMK party supported Indira Gandhi and her 20-point programme. “In Tamil Nadu, Indira Gandhi helped sustain the anti-DMK movement during the Emergency through MGR,” says veteran journalist S. Murari. The actor-turned-politician submitted a memorandum listing corruption charges against Karunanidhi’s government to the governor. On January 31, 1976, the DMK government was dismissed by the Centre on charges of corruption while the Justice Sarkaria Commission was set up to probe the allegations.



When Emergency was finally lifted and Parliamentary Elections ordered, it came as no surprise when MGR aligned with Indira Gandhi. Karunanidhi was forced into the arms of the newly-formed Janata Party. “Unlike the north, everyday life wasn’t affected for the average man during the Emergency in Tamil Nadu. As a result, the Emergency was not a voter’s issue during the elections,” notes Gnani Sankaran, a writer and political commentator. The corruption charges against Karunanidhi’s regime became a talking point in the 1977 Lok Sabha polls as the ADMK-Congress-Left alliance swept the elections bagging 34 out of 39 seats in the state. The rest of the country was however, not so forgiving, as the Grand Old Party was dislodged by the Janata Party. Indira Gandhi suffered a personal blow, losing her Rae Bareli seat.

More than two months later when Tamil Nadu went to polls, MGR was quick to dump Indira Gandhi. The polls saw a four-cornered contest among the ADMK, DMK, Congress and the Janata Party. MGR’s charisma and mass following together with the corruption charges plaguing the DMK ensured that the ADMK sailed through its first Assembly elections, winning 130 seats. As Chief Minister, MGR realised it was prudent to be on the right side of the Centre, especially after Morarji Desai dismissed a number of Congress-led state governments. “MGR realised maintaining good relations with the Centre would be beneficial to the state. There were also rumours that MGR was fearful of IT raids,” observes N. Sathiyamoorthy, director of the Chennai-Chaper of ORF. The ADMK not only went on to support the Janata Party but also became the first regional party to be a part of the Union Cabinet during Charan Singh’s tenure.

Indira Gandhi, however, never forgot nor forgave MGR’s betrayal. In an about face, the 1980 Parliamentary Elections saw Mrs Gandhi align with the DMK, whose leaders she persecuted and whose government she dismissed in 1976. MGR went with the Janata Party and came a cropper – winning just 2 seats. Indira Gandhi, who had ascended to the Prime Minister’s chair once more, dismissed the MGR government

Dravidian Chronicles: 1984- The year Karunanidhi skipped an election
Despite the multiple electoral wins, did you know that the only time Karunanidhi did not contest was in the 1984 assembly elections?

Wednesday, May 4, 2016 - 18:24

http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/dravidian-chronicles-1984-year-karunanidhi-skipped-election-42683



The News Minute brings you the Dravidian Chronicles, a collection of narratives on the margins of the 2016 election spotlight. Here we chronicle smaller, subtler shifts that catalyse and metamorphose the grand narratives of the electoral juggernaut.

Pushing 92, he’s one of the oldest active politicians in India. He’s also a five-time Chief Minister. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam patriarch Muthuval Karunanidhi, in his 59-year long career has never tasted defeat, winning every time he has contested. Under his leadership, the party has suffered a number of defeats including remaining out of power for 12 successive years when his archrival MGR was Chief Minister. But on the 12 occasions he has contested as an MLA, from his electoral debut in 1957 up until 2011, Karunanidhi has been given the vote of confidence by the people in his constituency.



Despite the multiple electoral wins, did you know that the only time Karunanidhi did not contest was in the 1984 assembly elections?

The DMK president chose to give the polls a miss, having been elected as a member of the legislative council in April 1984. Karunanidhi together with K. Anbhazhagan had resigned from their MLA posts a year earlier, to express solidarity with Sri Lankan Tamils following the riots in the island-nation.



This picture was taken on 3.10.1969; It shows the then Governor Sardar Ujjal Singh and Karunanidhi receiving Indira Gandhi at the Meenambakkam airport.

In hindsight, sitting out of the 1984 Assembly Elections may have also been a tactical move, on Karunanidhi’s part. These elections saw the AIADMK’s MGR re-elected Chief Minister despite convalescing from a kidney transplant at a New York hospital, all through the party’s poll campaign. The year 1984 also saw the AIADMK’s poll partner, Congress win a significant sympathy wave following the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. In sitting out, Karunanidhi escaped the embarrassment of having to lose an assembly election since MGR’s victory was a foregone conclusion.

Dravidian Chronicles: 

TN’s first polls saw a jailed communist elected to the Madras Legislative Assembly
PR was not only a popular leader in Madurai but was the architect of the trade union movement in the state.
Monday, April 25, 2016 - 15:54

http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/dravidian-chronicles-tn%E2%80%99s-first-polls-saw-jailed-communist-elected-madras-legislative


The News Minute brings you the Dravidian Chronicles, a collection of narratives on the margins of the 2016 election spotlight. Here we chronicle smaller, subtler shifts that catalyse and metamorphose the grand narratives of the electoral juggernaut.

India was slowly finding her feet in the years after Independence. The country’s first general election, which began in October 1951 and concluded in the spring of 1952, had 176 million eligible voters, aged 21 and above, and about 85 per cent of them were illiterate[1]. It was, as historian Ramachandra Guha [2] put it, “an act of faith.”



PR in the early 40's with another legendary communist, P.C. Joshi, in Bombay. These were times when the party was banned.

There was a churning in the country. The Congress under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was accused by the Communist Party of betraying the cause of workers and peasants in the interest of landlords and capitalists. With the aim of bringing down the Congress government, the communists began a nation-wide revolution. What followed was a crackdown, as state after state banned the Communist Party of India from 1948, forcing several of its members underground.



Circa 60s: PR leading a protest in Madurai.



This was a jeep procession being taken out on PR's 60th birthday in Madurai. Seen standing on PR's left is a young P. Mohan, who later went on to become MP from Madurai twice for the CPM.

The general elections were held concurrently with the state assembly polls. Madras State held its first ever assembly elections in March 1952. Several of the Communist leaders in the state including P. Ramamurti, the founder of the party in Madras had gone underground following arrest warrants against them. “Because of his physical inability, Ramamurti could not move about in day time. He went to different places only during night and met comrades to explain new situations to them,” wrote N. Rama Krishnan in his biography on Ramamurti. The government had even announced a reward to anyone giving information about him.



Late 70s: PR led a CPM delegation to China in the late 1970s (exact year unsure) at the invitation of the CPC. Outside the plane after landing in Beijing along with legendary Maharasthrian Communist Godavari Parulekhar.

In late 1951, the Communist leader was arrested while travelling by train to Bombay. Ramamurti, who was dressed in disguise was spotted and apprehended by a CID officer from Madras, who happened to be travelling in the same compartment. In his 2008 book, Rama Krishnan explains that Ramamurti’s arrest got “wide publicity” in the press. He was taken to Madurai Central Jail from the Amalapuram Railway Station.



50s: PR in Moscow with Soviet Union delegates

The timing of Ramamurti’s arrest coincided with elections in the state The Communist Party decided to field Ramamurti as its candidate from Madurai North. His incarceration was not an inconvenience or a disadvantage. PR, as he was affectionaly known, was not only a popular leader in Madurai but was the architect of the trade union movement in the state. He built a reputation as an organiser of the working class, having helped launch strikes and agitations for over 20 years. PR was also deeply involved in organising textile mill workers in Madurai in the 1940s, not only founding AITUC union but even appearing and arguing before labour tribunals on behalf of mill workers.



Circa 70s: PR with former President VV Giri. Both were close friends and would often take the other's cane and return it later. Giri used to carry a nicer, more polished one, while PR wouldn't pay much attention. The joke here could be about getting the cane right the next time!



PR's trade mark style of public address and lessons in Marxism to workers in the later years - 80s. He would climb onto a table, sit on it and talk.

“During his time in jail, he adopted various ways to come before the public. He even feigned illness in order to be taken to hospital. En route, he would talk loudly to draw people’s attention,” said R. Vaigai, Ramamurti’s daughter and a lawyer at the Madras High Court. When the Election Commission announced the results, it came as no surprise when a jailed Ramamurti ended up defeating Congress’ T. Chidambara Bharathi by a margin of 3332 votes.[1] Guha, Ramachandra (2007) “India After Gandhi”, p. 133
[2] Guha, Ramachandra (2007) “India After Gandhi”, p. 133
Photo credit: P Ramamurti Family Archives.

The story of Udaya Suriyan: How the rising sun became the symbol of DMK

A red sun rising from twin peaks as its yellow rays spread far and wide. This is the symbol people across Tamil Nadu recognise as the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.





The News Minute brings you the Dravidian Chronicles, a collection of narratives on the margins of the 2016 election spotlight. Here we chronicle smaller, subtler shifts that catalyse and metamorphose the grand narratives of the electoral juggernaut.

Eight years after breaking away from the Dravida Kazhagam, the DMK took the electoral plunge in the 1957 general elections. According to The Economic Weekly the DMK won 15 out of the 112 Assembly seats it contested in. The party also won 2 parliamentary seats in the same elections.

But the Dravidian giant that we know of today was not recognised by the Election Commission in the 1957 poll. Grouped as independents, the DMK was not united by its rising sun symbol. In fact, many of DMK’s candidates were forced to contest under another symbol – the rooster. (Interestingly, following the death of MGR and the split of the AIADMK into two factions, Jayalalithaa’s party was allotted the very same rooster symbol for the 1989 Assembly Elections.)

By 1962, the Election Commission formally recognized the DMK as a political party and had by then also allotted it the rising sun symbol. The origin of the party symbol was, in fact, inspired from leader and scriptwriter M. Karunanidhi’s 1950s play ‘Udaya Surya’ (Rising Sun in Tamil) which had been banned, writes historian S. Muthiah in his ‘Tales of Old and New Madras: The Dalliance of Miss Mansel and 37 Other Stories of 375 Years’. As far as symbolism goes, the DMK’s poll symbol signifies the ‘rising’ spirit of the Dravidian people.

Over the years, the party has appropriated the rising sun to English weekly of the same name and to the brand logo of its television channel – Kalaignar TV. Of course, numerous journalists and their editors also share a love for the DMK’s poll symbol for the ample punning opportunities it provides – the most obvious being a reference to party chief M. Karunanidhi’s heir apparent and younger son MK Stalin.




DMK’s symbol has had its fair share of controversies too. Actor-turned-politician Chiranjeevi had wanted the Election Commission to allot his Praja Rajyam party the ‘rising sun’symbol in 2008. While the DMK had objected on the grounds that it had presence in Andhra Pradesh, Chiranjeevi was eventually allotted the ‘rail engine’.

In 2009, a PIL was filed in the Supreme Court seeking to prohibit the DMK from using the ‘rising sun’ symbol on the grounds that it was a religious symbol and the Sun was worshipped as a God (the DMK is aethist). The country’s apex court dismissed the petition observing, “Many of the signs allocated as symbol to the political parties are in one or the other way is related to religion. In India, cow, sheep, horn etc are related to religion.”
http://www.thenewsminute.com/article/story-udaya-suriyan-how-rising-sun-became-symbol-dmk-43247

Mannargudi Mafia

The Mannargudi Intrigue: How Sasikala’s family grew to control TN’s power structures

Sasikala and her family have penetrated every layer of government and politics to weave a giant web of power.
Ramanathan S.| Tuesday, May 10, 2016 - 14:15



In the 80s, as the Jayalalithaa-Sasikala relationship was blossoming into a strong friendship, members of Sasikala’s family were still trying to make a life for themselves. “Her brother Dhivaharan’s address was known as ‘care of platform’,” says long-time Mannargudi resident and businessman Krishnan*, “he would not have a place to even sit. He was friendly with the son of the owner of Vijayalakshmi Sack Mandi in the town, and they would sit outside the shop and while the time away. They were jobless.” Like several others in rural TN, Dhivaharan went abroad as well to try and make a living. “I think he went to Singapore for some odd job, but returned soon,” adds Krishnan.

Today, Dr V Dhivaharan, known in Mannargudi as “Boss”, is one of the most influential individuals in the Cauvery-delta region, which includes Thanjavur and its surrounding districts. He owns and runs the all-girls Sengamla Thayaar Educational Trust Women’s College, lives on a massive property opposite the STET College at Sundarakottai near Mannargudi town and is said to be a power centre in the politics, economy and social fabric of the Delta region.



Dhivaharan's college

His ascendency from “care of platform” Dhivaharan to “Boss” Dr V Dhivaharan coincides with the rise of what has come to be called the ‘Mannargudi Mafia’ – the extended family of VK Sasikala believed to literally run Tamil Nadu when the AIADMK is in power.

Who is the Mannargudi cartel?

Dhivaharan is but a small part of the Mannargudi family, with his geographical boundaries and job well-defined. Over the years, the family network has spread its wings across Tamil Nadu, and is believed to have penetrated every layer of the government. They allegedly run the state with an iron-grip but behind the shield of secrecy, and not many risk talking about them on-record.

“And that’s the reason they have succeeded so far,’’ says a long-time DMK member from Mannargudi. “They wield all the power, control everything and yet no one can raise a finger and say they are doing it. That’s the beauty of the system they have created,” he says, adding that his admiration for the way the network operates is shared by many in the DMK too.

“They are everywhere,” says a seasoned IPS officer requesting anonymity, “very manipulative, and try to manage everything. Their men are everywhere from Jaya TV to ministers’ offices, and have stooges in police and IAS top to bottom. The system got weakened after the fall of Sasikala in 2012, but once she was back, they were too. And they don’t leave out anything, even the cycle-stand contracts in bus-stands are taken in by them.”

Even the party is tacitly controlled by the cartel, with key posts and election tickets apparently being influenced by the Sasikala family.

An insider says that to monitor the entire operation, Sasikala’s family has its men – mostly from the Kallar community - placed at strategic positions, including all cabinet ministers’ offices. Further, they have their eyes and ears among the bureaucrats and the state cadre too.

In places like Thanjavur, men are easily marked as those working with the cartel. “A senior IPS officer from the Thevar community, who was once a city's commissioner, has been long-time comrade working with them. There are also officer passing on information from Delhi while on central deputation,” says another police officer.

The key players

Different parts of the Sasikala family operate in different geographies across the state now.

While Sasikala and Ilavarasi live in Poes Garden, Jayalalithaa’s residence, the Delta-districts are taken care of by Dhivaharan. Ilavarasi is the wife of Jayaraman, Sasikala’s brother who is no more.



Dr. V. Dhivaharan

The TTV brothers –Dhinakaran, Sudhakaran and Bhaskaran – are based out of Theni and take care of operations in south Tamil Nadu. The TTV brothers were born to Sasikala’s sister Vanithamani. Sudhakaran is the son who was adopted, and later disowned, by Jayalalithaa, whose lavish wedding in 1995 created a major furore.

TV Mahadevan, who is the son of Sasikala’s late brother Dr Vinodagan is powerful in the Trichy region. Dr. Vinodagan was said to have taken care of Jayalalithaa by keeping her safe at his house in Kutanallur near Mannargudi during the troubled times after MGR’s death.

The western region of Kongu-land, is where RP Ravanan is based out of and wields control. Also responsible for affairs at Kodanadu and real estate holdings, Ravanan is the son-in-law of one of Sasikala’s father’s brothers.

Sasikala’s husband, Natarajan, is now believed to be completely out of the system with no links to Sasikala, at least publicly. He was once the alleged kingpin of the entire operation.

In Chennai, Sasikala's brother Sundaravadanam’s progenies and their spouses, Prabha, Dr. Sivakumar, Dr. Venkatesh, Anuradha, Karthikeyan and others are the powerful family members.

It is believed that Ilavarasi’s son Vivek is now increasingly involved in both the politics and the management of the network, and of late their cinema ventures. Some of these names have popped up in recent media reports showing the growth of their business empire.

Several ministers are also said to be propped by the different sections of the Sasikala cartel.

The Sasikala backstory

Sasikala was born in 1957 at Mannargudi to the agriculturalist couple of Vivekanandam and Krishnaveni. She had four brothers - Sundaravadanam, Jayaraman, Dr Vinodhagan and Dhivaharan - and a sister Vanithamani. They were not rich, but they belonged to the influential Kallar community.



Krishnaveni, Sasikala's mother

The story of the ups and downs between Jayalalithaa and Sasikala is well known. Sasikala’s husband, Natarajan, was a government Public Relations Officer in the 1970s. He put his wife in touch with Jayalalithaa, then a growing leader in the AIADMK, through IAS officer VS Chandralekha. Sasikala was running a video-tape shop and used to record weddings attended by Jayalalithaa, and soon broke into her inner circles.

Both the AIADMK, with Jayalalithaa as its chief, and the Kallars benefitted from the political relationship with each other, and Sasikala was the one who facilitated it. As Sasikala’s friendship with Jayalalithaa bloomed, so did the fortunes of the Kallar community, which now has a foothold in every layer of government. And the AIADMK and Jayalalithaa benefitted from the consolidation of the community’s vote bank.

In 2012, a fallout between Sasikala and Jayalalithaa shook Tamil Nadu. In a coordinated move, Sasikala was ousted from Poes Garden and members of the cartel were either arrested or forced to go into hiding. Several party workers known to be close to them were expelled. But in just about 100 days, she was back, and closer to the 2016 polls, it is clearer than ever that she is in control.

Take for instance the sudden change of candidates in Kumbakonam and Mannargudi. Initially, AIADMK’s Sudha and Ramanathan were announced as the party’s candidates for the Mannargudi and Kumbakonam seats respectively. But sources in the AIADMK say that it was at the behest of Sasikala and Dhivaharan that they were replaced with S Kamaraj and Sekaran. “The AIADMK district secretary R Kamaraj does not get along with Dhivaharan. Sudha was believed to be R Kamaraj’s choice, and Ramanathan was Amma’s choice. But both were changed, Mannargudi’s S Kamaraj and Kumbakonam’s Sekaran are Dhivaharan backed,” points out the political operator. Also indicative of the cartel’s influence is the exclusion of PH Pandian’s family and retention of Nainar Nagendran for the electoral battle in Tirunelveli, he further points out.

Despite their infamy, the family has its admirers.

Sitting at his sixty-year-old brass-metal shop in Mannargudi town, businessman R Vishwanathan, says that he will not blame the family for making money, and believes they are good people. “Dhivaharan runs the college which is the best and safest for girls here, and he does not overcharge. Everyone is making money, so they also do. But they are also good to others,” he says.

“What I truly admire about Sasikala is her political maturity. She was thrown out of Poes Garden, did she utter a single word? Has she ever spoken out against Jayalalithaa or publicly shown the power she wields? That’s what makes her successful,” says a DMK politician based in Mannargudi.

And not everyone agrees that the Sasikala family ‘controls’ Jayalalithaa as it is widely believed. “They run things yes, but they are just enablers of greed, “says the political operator, “The greed for money and power still comes from the top. In fact, I would call it the Mannargudi-Mysore partnership.”

*Name changed on request to maintain anonymity